Opinion
Yahaya Bello and the perils of power
By Olusegun Adeniyi
It doesn’t surprise me that the former Governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello, is now a fugitive from the law. Any discerning person would know that the man who bullied the people of his state for eight years is simply a coward. Four years ago, I wrote the following words after Bello was re-elected for his second and final term in office. “While the body bags are still being counted in Kogi State, with fresh killings even after the results have been declared, Yahaya Bello is back as I predicted,” I stated in the opening paragraph to my November 2019 column, following his re-election marred by several killings. “I watched him (Bello) on television yesterday and he couldn’t even spare a word to condole the families of those who died. So, to the people of Kogi who will have to endure another four years of purposeless government, please accept my commiserations”
An Association of National Accountants of Nigeria (ANAN)-certified accountant, Bello worked with the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) from 2001 (after his mandatory NYSC) until he retired into transport business and politics. He joined the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) of Muhammadu Buhari, who would later become president. Elected governor in November 2015 without even being on the ballot (he inherited the votes of Abubakar Audu who died before the results could be announced), one would expect Bello to be humble. But for eight years, he behaved as though he was above the law. In fact, he saw himself as the law. He repeatedly told appointees that in his own dictionary, ‘loyalty comes before efficiency’.
Under Bello’s stewardship, every election in Kogi State was like war. In a video that went viral before the 2019 gubernatorial election, Bello’s female supporters were threatening his opponents with gunshots. Ahead of the 2023 election, there was another trending video of Bello where he said: “I will personally light a fierce fire in my hand. Whoever want it, we shall use it to burn them, whoever survives it will thank God… Whoever is against us, we will make him or her (to) join my mother and lie with her (my mother) in the grave.” By that video, according to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) spokesman, Debo Ologunagba, Bello revealed himself. “From his outburst, Nigerians now know the individuals who engineered the gruesome killing of many of our citizens including the PDP Woman Leader in Kogi State, Mrs. Salome Abu, who was burnt alive in her house in 2019. Also, Nigerians now have more insight into the disappearance of Hon. Adelabu Musa, the PDP Chairman in Okene Local Government Area for over three years now,” Ologundana said in a statement released at the time.
Ordinarily, the impeachment process is guided by unambiguous laws as to how it could be prosecuted. But not in Kogi under the ‘White Lion’ who held the three arms of government in his firm grip. On 20 October 2019, Bello illegally terminated the tenure of his deputy, Simon Achuba, using his cronies in the State House of Assembly and a compromised judiciary. The then Chief Judge of Kogi State, late Justice Nasir Ajanah, empanelled an impeachment committee in line with section 108 of the 1999 constitution (as amended) to investigate allegations against Achuba by lawmakers. The committee reported back that there were no verifiable grounds for impeachment and consequently returned a verdict of not guilty. At Bello’s insistence, the same Justice Ajanah, whose panel acquitted Achuba of any misconduct, performed the swearing in of David Edward Onoja (to replace Achuba) as Deputy Governor!
For eight years, Bello projected the image of a tough guy, apparently because he misunderstood the real meaning of power. Acting under a purported resolution by the State House of Assembly in October 2022, the former governor deployed armed thugs to seal the Dangote Cement Plc in Obajana. He claimed that Kogi State owns the plant and resorted to self-help in what appeared a not-so-subtle attempt at a shakedown. After much damage had been done, the company was reopened following the intervention of the federal government.
The litany of misdeeds by Bello, who combined hubris with narcissism, is quite extensive. During the Covid-19 pandemic that led to a lockdown in most countries across the world, including Nigeria, the former governor insisted there was no such health challenge in Kogi State. When Justice Ajanah died at the Gwagwalada COVID-19 Isolation Centre in Abuja and had to be buried at Gudu cemetery in compliance with the COVID-19 burial protocol set by the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC), Bello was livid. He said the Kogi Chief Judge died of natural causes, and not of anything else as is “being insinuated by certain persons for political and mischief purposes”, while describing Covid-19 as a ‘hoax’.
Meanwhile, Bello has a criminal case with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) regarding double registration in both the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and Kogi State. “Following reports of the alleged double registration by the governor of Kogi State in the on-going Continuous Voter Registration (CVR) exercise, the commission set up a panel of investigation into the involvement of staff in the matter. The initial report submitted by the panel was referred to the Appointment, Promotion and Disciplinary Committee, which made recommendations to the Commission,” the INEC National Commissioner & Member, Information and Voter Education Committee, Mrs. May Agbamuche-Mbu, announced on 14 December 2017. “While the governor of Kogi State currently enjoys immunity from prosecution, the commission took the following decisions in respect of its own staff: Summary dismissal of two staff for acts of gross misconduct, immediate and compulsory retirement of an electoral officer for acts of gross misconduct.”
So serious was the matter that on 28 February 2018, the Senate mandated its Committee on INEC to investigate. “The governor of Kogi was involved in double voter registration and weeks after, INEC confirmed that by sacking three of its staff,” Senator Mohammed Hassan said in a motion that was unanimously adopted. “It was reported that he (Bello) was issued another Temporary Voter Card (TVC) at his Okene ward.” Then Senate President, Bukola Saraki, explained the gravity of the matter: “The issue you are talking about is one that is important because the stability of our democracy depends on the credibility of our electoral process. It is something the INEC committee should investigate and report back to the Senate.” Despite the indictment, Bello claimed that if anybody was engaged in double registration, it must have been his ghost. Now that he no longer enjoys immunity from prosecution, the law must find that ‘ghost’ and hold him to account.
Readers may argue that the foregoing has nothing to do with Yahaya Bello’s case with the EFCC. That is true. I am just not interested in that drama of corruption. As I have always reiterated on this page, fighting corruption requires proper investigation that will lead to trials and convictions. It’s not about telling tales in the public. In the instant case of Bello, the only evidence of corruption that is credible is the one presented in a court of law. Not at press conferences. In November 2017, then Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Walter Onnoghen, established the Corruption and Financial Crimes Cases Monitoring Committee (COTRIMCO). In its report, the committee said of the EFCC: “Offenders are charged to court before proper investigations of the charges are done, and afterwards, expecting the court to detain such alleged offenders till conclusion of their investigations”.
I am aware that the former governor and his nephew, Ali Bello (currently the Chief of Staff to the incumbent Governor Usman Ododo) and two other accomplishes are being accused of laundering a total sum of N80,246,470,088.88, belonging to Kogi State. The allegations may well be true. But he will not be the first governor to be so charged. A former governor of Zamfara State, Bello Matawalle (around whom EFCC staged a similar drama last year) is now a member of the federal executive council! So, this intervention is not about how Bello fiddled with the resources of Kogi State and his hide-and-seek game with the EFCC. It is about the perils of power for politicians who behave as though there is no tomorrow. The question that arises is, why do the Yahaya Bellos of this world thrive in our political system?
Since early last year, I have been working on a book regarding 25 years of unbroken democracy in Nigeria. Despite my best efforts, it is not likely to be out till the end of this year or early 2025. The reckless abuse of power is one of the issues I am interrogating since those who abuse power have no qualms about looting public funds. We must wonder why a constitutional republic continues breeding so many rudderless apprentice emperors who rule with impunity, fiddle with public funds, violate the rights of the very citizens they were elected to govern, and literally run amok with power.
But it is not all negative. The strength of our system lies in the chilling lesson that after the wildness of uncontrolled power comes a return to sanity when the cloak of absolute immunity yields place to the cold reality of common ordinariness. By his action, Yahaya Bello has suddenly come to terms with the full implications of that reality. What he has failed to understand is that he cannot continue to deploy the services of his successor, Usman Ododo, to shield himself. I am sure there is an expiry date to that relationship between the godfather and his godson as we have seen in numerous states over the years.
Overall, I fail to understand why Bello is on the run. If he is well advised, he could surrender himself to EFCC followed by drummers with his ‘Ta ta ta’ female supporters as cheerleaders. With enough resources to hire as many Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs) as he wants, I am sure Bello would spend no more than a few days in Kuje before he walks free. A ‘Lion’ (white or black) should not regress into the rascality of behaving like a weather-beaten chicken in a bid to frustrate the law and evade accountability.
By Abiodun KOMOLAFE
The concepts of power, privilege and governance are complex and multifaceted. Power refers to the ability to influence others, while privilege denotes unearned advantages.
Governance encompasses institutions, structures and processes that regulate these dynamics. Together, these concepts raise fundamental questions about justice, equality and resource distribution.
It emphasizes the importance of considering marginalized groups’ experiences and perspectives. The main problem in Nigeria today is its political economy, which is rooted in rent-seeking and fosters a mindset that prioritizes patronage over production.
The country’s politics are characterized by a patron-client relationship, where everything revolves around government handouts rather than effective governance. This has led to a situation where “politics” in Nigeria is essentially a scramble for resources in a country with severely limited opportunities for self-improvement.
When French agronomist René Dumont wrote ‘False Starts in Africa’ in 1962, he inadvertently described Nigeria’s current state in 2025. Nigeria’s missteps have magnified themselves in the theatre of the absurd, such as the construction of a new vice presidential residence and Governor Chukwuemeka Soludo’s boasts about the lavish official residence for the governor of Anambra State, currently under construction.
It is to be noted in contradistinction that the newly sworn-in Prime Minister of Canada, Mark Carney, is looking for somewhere to live. The official residence of the prime minister, 24 Sussex Drive, the Canadian equivalent of 10 Downing Street, is in disrepair and uninhabitable. No Canadian government can dare ask the parliament to appropriate the $40m needed to refurbish the residence.
Canada’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) exceeds $2 trillion, while Nigeria’s GDP is less than $400 billion. Still, Nigeria claims to be a giant! With an electricity generation capacity of less than 6,000 megawatts, Nigeria’s proclamation seems absurd, especially when compared to cities like Johannesburg, Singapore, Hong Kong and Mumbai. Even Lagos State alone should be generating, transmitting and distributing at least 15,000 megawatts, which would be a basic expectation rather than an achievement.
Nigeria today needs a comprehensive overhaul of its governance crisis to build a new political economy and social services that are fit for purpose. Although the government is on the right path in some ways, a root-and-branch transformation is still necessary.
A notable breakthrough is the decision to recapitalize development finance institutions, such as the Bank of Industry and, crucially, the Bank of Agriculture. This move is significant in a rent-seeking state, as it addresses the need for long-term capital – a prerequisite for achieving meaningful progress.
The development finance institutions require annual recapitalization of at least N500 billion, ideally N1 trillion. Achieving this necessitates a thorough cost evaluation of the government’s machinery, starting with the full implementation of the Oronsaye Committee’s recommendations.
The resulting cost savings can then be redirected to development finance institutions and essential social services like primary healthcare. Furthermore, the government should be bolder, if it can afford to be so, especially since there’s no discernible opposition on offer At the moment, the Nigerian political establishment across the board appears to be enamored by the position put forward by the leader of the Russian revolution, Vladimir Lenin, after the failed putsch. Lenin wrote the classic, ‘What is to be done?’
His observation is that revolutions do not take place at times of grinding poverty. They do so during periods of relatively rising prosperity. Significant sections of the Nigerian establishment believe that relatively rising prosperity could trigger off social discontent.
In their own interest, they had better be right. The caveat is that Lenin wrote ‘What’s to be Done’ in 1905. The world has moved on and changed since the conditions that led to the failure of the attempted takeover of government in Russia in 1905. Therefore, the Nigerian political establishment, for reasons of self-preservation, had better put on its thinking cap. Addressing power and privilege in governance requires collective action, institutional reforms and a commitment to promoting social justice. Nigeria currently lacks a leadership recruitment process, which can only be established if political parties are willing to develop a cadre. Unfortunately, the country is dealing with Special Purpose Vehicles (SPVs) instead. It’s rare to find leadership in Nigeria operating political boot camps to recruit and groom youths for future leadership roles.
This might be why many young people have a misguided understanding of politics, viewing it as merely a means of sharing the nation’s commonwealth. Mhairi Black was elected to the British House of Commons at 20 years old.
However, the key point is that Black had started becoming involved in politics at a young age. By the time she was elected, she had already gained significant experience, effectively becoming a veteran in the field. In Nigeria, politics is often seen as one of the few avenues for self-fulfillment. However, the economy is stagnant, with few jobs created in the public sector and limited investment opportunities.
This is a far cry from the 1950s and 1960s, when political parties were more substantial. Today, it’s worth asking how many Nigerian political parties have functional Research Departments. Besides, what socialization into any philosophy or ideology do our politicians have? Similarly to former Governor Rotimi Amaechi, many of those who currently hold power are motivated to stay in politics due to concerns about economic stability.
Of course, that’s why the Lagos State House of Assembly has had to revert itself. It is the same challenge that has reduced the traditional institution to victims of Nigeria’s ever-changing political temperature. It is the reason an Ogbomoso indigene is not interested in what happened between Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola.
It is also the reason an Ijebuman sees an Ogbomoso man as his enemy without bothering to dig up the bitter politics that ultimately succeeded in putting the two families on the path of permanent acrimony. Of course, that’s why we have crises all over the place! May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419)
Byabiodun KOMOLAFE
Rivers State is now under emergency rule, and it’s likely to remain so for the next six months, unless a drastic change occurs.
If not managed carefully, this could mark the beginning of a prolonged crisis.
In situations like this, opinions tend to be divergent. For instance, some people hold the notion that the security situation and the need to protect the law and public order justified President Bola Tinubu’s proclamation of a state of emergency in, and the appointment of a sole administrator for Rivers State.
However, others view this act as ‘unconstitutional’, ‘reckless’, ‘an affront on democracy’, and ‘a political tool to intimidate the opposition’. When we criticize governments for unmet expectations, we often rely on our own perspectives and biases.
Our individual identities and prejudices shape our criticism. However, it’s essential to recognize that not all criticism is equal. Protesting within the law is fundamentally different from protests that descend into illegality. Once illegality creeps in, the legitimacy of the protest is lost.
As John Donne wrote in ‘Devotions Upon Emergent Occasions’, “Never send to know for whom the bell tolls.” A protest is legitimate when it aligns with societal norms, values and laws. But when protests are marred by violence or sabotage, they lose credibility. Without credibility, protests become ineffective.
Regarding the validity or otherwise of the emergency rule in Rivers State, it is imperative that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governors approach the Supreme Court immediately. They should seek a definitive clarification on whether the proclamation is ultra vires or constitutional.
For whatever it’s worth, they owe Nigerians that responsibility!May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
Abiodun KOMOLAFE,ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419 – SMS only.
Abba Dukawa
The political crisis began in December 2023, when Governor Fubara ordered the demolition of the state House of Assembly complex, which remains unrebuilt to this day. This act has effectively paralyzed the legislative arm, disrupting the state’s system of checks and balances.
The Supreme Court highlighted the severity of this situation on February 28, 2025, emphasizing the absence of a functional government in Rivers State and the executive’s role in collapsing the legislative arm, thereby creating a governance void
Additionally, recent reports indicate that militants have been vandalizing pipelines and issuing threats without any intervention from the state government, raising concerns about the state’s security and economic stability.Given Rivers State’s crucial role in the country’s economy, this situation necessitates urgent and cautious intervention from the federal government.Despite interventions from various stakeholders, including Tinubu himself, the crisis has persisted
.It’s worth noting that Tinubu is the third president to invoke Section 305 of the Constitution, after Ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo and Former President Goodluck Jonathan.
President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State has sparked intense debate about its necessity and potential motivations. During his nationwide speech, Tinubu warned that this decision could set off a chain of unpredictable events, potentially leading to radical ideologies and extremist tendencies.
Critics argue that Tinubu’s decision was unnecessary and politically motivated, particularly given his connection to Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, who is accused of being the “arrowhead” of the crisis. Some believe that Tinubu’s administration aims to remove Governor Fubara, perceived as hostile to the 2027 Tinubu/Wike project.Ultimately, the motivations behind Tinubu’s decision remain unclear, and its implications for Rivers State and Nigeria as a whole are yet to be fully seen.
Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has strongly opposed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State and his suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, and members of the Rivers State President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.House of Assembly. President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.
The NBA pointed to Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, which governs the procedure for declaring a state of emergency. While this section grants the President emergency powers, it does not allow for the removal or suspension of elected officials. The NBA stressed that the only constitutional method for removing a governor or deputy governor is through impeachment as outlined in Section 188.
Furthermore, the removal of lawmakers must adhere to electoral laws and constitutional provisions insisted that a state of emergency does not equate to an automatic dissolution of an elected government, and any attempt to do so is an overreach of executive power.
Also Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has strongly condemned President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State, calling it an “assault on democracy” that must be denounced in the strongest possible terms . Wazirin Adamawa argues that Tinubu’s administration is responsible for the chaos in Rivers State, either by enabling it or failing to prevent it. He emphasizes that the President should bear full responsibility for any compromise of federal infrastructure in the state, rather than punishing the people of Rivers State with a state of emergency.
Abubakar also accuses president Tinubu of being a partisan actor in the political turmoil in Rivers, and his refusal to prevent the escalation is seen as “disgraceful to the people of Rivers” The former Vice President believes that the destruction of national infrastructure in Rivers State is a direct result of the President’s failure to act, and punishing the people of Rivers State would be undemocratic.
In his statement, former vice president asserts that the declaration of a state of emergency “reeks of political manipulation and outright bad faith. He urges that the people of Rivers State should not be punished for the political gamesmanship between the governor and Tinubu’s enablers in the federal government. Other analyst believes that the situation in Rivers State, though politically tense, does not meet the constitutional threshold for the removal of elected officials.
For a state of emergency to be declared, Section 305(3) of the Constitution outlines specific conditions, including:
1. War or external aggression against Nigeria. Imminent danger of invasion or war. A breakdown of public order and safety to such an extent that ordinary legal measures are insufficient.
Other reasons for such decisions to be enforced are clear danger to Nigeria’s existence and Occurrence of any disaster or natural calamity affecting a state or a part of it. Where public danger constitutes a threat to the Federation.
Since the state of the emergency in Rivers state has been promulgation, political watchers questions whether the political crisis in Rivers State has reached the level of a complete breakdown of law that has warranting the removal of the Governor and his administration. Political disagreements, legislative conflicts, or executive-legislative tensions do not constitute a justification for emergency rule.
Had been the president remain filmed Such conflicts should have been resolved through legal and constitutional mechanisms, including the judiciary, rather than executive fiat.
A state of emergency is an extraordinary measure that must be invoked strictly within constitutional limits. The removal of elected officials under the pretext of emergency rule is unconstitutional and unacceptable.Tinubu’s administration decision to declare a state of emergency has been met with mixed reactions. Some argue that it was necessary to restore sanity to the state and ensure the country’s stability. Others,, believe that it was an unnecessary decision that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Was declaration for Rivers state is necessary or political motivation? President Bola Amed Tinubu is fully aware that the declaration of State of Emergency in a prevalent democratic system is not the solution to the self-inflicted crisis bedeviling the State.
What Tinubu needed most was to call Wike, his Minister of FCT, to order. The former governor Wike is the arrowhead of the crisis bedeviling the State.
Now what the president Tinubu decision for the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State was an unnecessary decision” that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Other views whether president decisions of keeping his ally, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, is worth jeopardizing Nigeria’s economy.The keen watcher of events regarded the decision as a display of unpardonable mediocrity and diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027.
Tinubu administration wants to use the excuse of the political instability and other security challenges in Rivers to remove Governor FUBURA from the POWER considered hostile to the minister of the Federal Capital Territory or TInubu/Wiki diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027 election.
During his speeches Mr. President, blaming only the state governor and House of Assembly for the crisis in Rivers State is like expecting one iron to make a loud sound – it’s unrealistic and ignores the roles of others, including the former governor and a cabinet member in your administration.
Let us not forget; The situation in Rivers state is indeed complex, with President Tinubu’s intervention aiming to restore order, but also raising important questions about the balance between federal intervention and state autonomy. Invoking a state of emergency to suspend elected officials is a drastic measure that may set a worrying precedent, especially if not handled carefully.
The appointment of a retired military officer as the state’s administrator also raises concerns about the militarization of a democratic government. This move may be perceived as an attempt to exert federal control over the state, rather than allowing democratic processes to unfold, the initial six-month period of emergency rule, with provisions for extension, could lead to prolonged federal control. This is why it’s essential to establish clear timelines and measurable objectives to ensure a timely return to democratic governance.
Some of the key concerns that need to be addressed include: The potential for abuse of power*: The suspension of elected officials and the appointment of a military administrator could be seen as an attempt to consolidate federal power.
– *The impact on democratic institutions*: The emergency rule could undermine the democratic institutions in Rivers state and set a precedent for future interventions.
– *The need for transparency and accountability*: The federal government must ensure that the emergency rule is transparent, accountable, and subject to regular review. Ultimately, finding a balance between restoring order and respecting democratic institutions is crucial. The federal government must tread carefully to avoid exacerbating the situation and ensure a peaceful resolution.
Dukawa public affairs commentator and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com
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