Opinion
Tinubu, Please Listen To Akpabio On This!
By Mon-Charles Egbo
Nigerians are desperately yearning for a legislature that embodies the wishes and aspirations of the people as well as the ideals of democracy.
The majority have even concluded that an effective legislature remains a mirage in Nigeria, lamenting that all the investments in institutionalizing democracy since independence have amounted to a wasted venture. And then interestingly, this view found an apt expression in the recent observation by former president Olusegun Obasanjo to the effect that democracy cannot work in Nigeria because it is alien to the African culture and tradition.
Though this opinion is incompletely validated, the legislature has largely failed in its roles and responsibilities, as the shield for the citizenry, particularly in holding the executive accountable. Corruption, insecurity, poverty and poor leadership are geometrically growing sequel to the absence of diligent legislative oversights.
Consequently, there is a high sense of frustration fuelling the already poor perception of the legislature. In other words, public trust today favours the other arms more than the legislature. Yes, the legislators are not trusted due to accumulated failed expectations from them in addition to limited public knowledge about the legislature’s mandates.
However, on the flipside, democracy is still the best form of governance the world over while the primary cause of Nigeria’s under-development lies squarely with the constitution. In the place of pragmatic laws and policies to drive the system optimally, a weak and shallow document that was hurriedly packaged by the military and foisted on the people as a constitution is in force. These pseudo-laws do not substantially reflect the wishes of the people. Rather than strong institutions, this obsolete constitution created and sustains strong individuals who dominate the democratic landscape thus exposing Nigeria’s democracy to stunted growth.
Yet ironically, all those at the vanguard of criticizing the legislature for underperformance are well-versed in this fundamental error. They are fully abreast of the numerous flaws inherent in the constitution and as such, agree that amendment or outright replacement is the panacea. But typical of the elites whose sense of hypocrisy has since become legendary, they are rather selective in their clamours. They only champion alterations in the aspects that serve their self-seeking interests. For instance, they are vociferous in calling for devolution of powers, creation of additional states, local government autonomy, state police, and funding of political parties. Despite how popular and germane these thematic areas are, the elites are only driven by the latent opportunities to advance their perennial agenda of self-preservation.
And of course, restructuring and true federalism mean different things to different elites, depending on what suits their expectations. Furthermore, whereas this issue of faulty constitution has been receiving the attention of the legislature, no one is raising a voice for the strengthening of the legislative framework. None seemingly is concerned that all the powers and influence of the national assembly are merely theoretical. All feign ignorance that the legislature is being mercilessly dominated and controlled by the executive and also, that there is no practical protection for the legislature to independently exercise effective supervision over the executive. We pretend not to know that the legislature wholly depends on the executive for existence notably in the areas of operational funding and logistics.
As just one insight into the fragile situation of the federal legislature, the immediate past president of the senate, Ahmad Lawan, penultimate week, reminded his colleagues that “while it is true that on paper, lawmakers have the power of the purse, the execution of the project lies in the hands of the executive arm of government through various ministries, departments and agencies that should be lobbied”. That was during a debate on the need for the legislature to have greater control over the funding of constituency projects.
Lawan has only reiterated that the powers of the legislature, particularly in supervising the executive, begin and end on paper, but with collaboration, there could be a difference. Apart from becoming a presiding officer, he has been in the national assembly since 1999. So he knows enough having seen it all.
Expectedly, that proposed legislation was jettisoned by the Senate.
Understandably, the lawmakers acknowledged that they lack both the constitutional and political wherewithal to engage the executive in any form of governance battle. They might have also recalled several incidents where certain individuals openly disparaged the legislators in the course of their duties, even right inside the national assembly and nothing happened. Similarly, representatives of government and private organizations have serially shunned legislative summons with no repercussions. No doubt, the Senate is conscious that the executive determines the pace and direction of oversight duties using funding and logistics as baits. Then above all, they reasoned that what becomes of legislative resolutions has always been at the discretion of the executive in the same manner that the presidency chooses the bills to accept, despite the concerted efforts of the legislature in playing its roles.
Regrettably, all these democratic misnomers have become entrenched in the polity because the laws have not adequately empowered the legislature to perform. And this is why every sensitive legislature settles for collaboration with the other arms in the discharge of its functions being aware that whatever a legislature can deliver is a function of what the executive is willing to offer.
Guided by these facts, the president of the senate, Godswill Akpabio, was careful in reading a riot act to the executive, recently. Speaking at a public hearing on the 2024-2026 Medium Term Expenditure Framework and Fiscal Strategy Paper, he noted that “any serious appointee or any head of any agency that is interested in the success of President Bola Tinubu’s administration ought to be here. Chairman (of the event) should give me the list of all the heads of agencies that you invited who have failed to show up in this session. This is the beginning of their failure in their various offices”. Continuing he stressed that “any head of agency that sends representation here is not a serious person and therefore the president must take a second look at such a person’s appointment. It is not a threat but the truth”. And to further underscore the critical importance of that function, he announced that “I shelved even my appointment to appear in Owerri today for our final rally of my party and other schedules that I have, to make sure that I appear so that we can strategize on how we can succeed”.
Instructively, in an enlightened democracy, no concerned stakeholder could have been absent on such a critical occasion. Yes, in the face of a strong and truly independent legislature, it is an offence with grave consequences for the executive to treat governance issues with levity. But sadly, this is the Nigeria of today!
Therefore interpretatively, there are veiled but direct messages for President Bola Tinubu in those Akpabio’s remarks. To begin with and by the records, Akpabio has yet to hide his sense of dedication to the success of Tinubu’s presidency. He has made it so profound that it was the major thrust of his legislative agenda while campaigning to become the Senate president. He reiterated it at his inaugural address and has been consistent with such a mindset. So it was not strange that he utilized this recent outing to reaffirm it. Tinubu am sure understands this first message.
Again, Akpabio recognized that the legislature lacks the veritable instruments to achieve compliance from the executive. He was convinced that even if the legislators decide to bite the finger that feeds them, they neither have the energy to move the jaws nor strong teeth to act. He as well communicated clearly.
Also, Akpabio reminded Tinubu that the Senate merely confirmed the appointees as required by the law but the hire-and-fire prerogative resides with the presidency. Put differently, Tinubu could have bypassed the legislature and seamlessly appointed anyone, given the weakness and shallowness that define the Constitution. This was the third message.
So in all, Akpabio passionately appealed to Tinubu to deliberately make his appointees’ level of commitment to honouring legislative summons a major part of his assessment of them among other key performance indicators. It is equally safe to add that Tinubu should lead by example, particularly by treating legislative resolutions with the deserved respect and urgency. This is very important in fairly rating the legislature because a cursory look at the resolutions so far passed by the 10th National Assembly is reassuring. Certainly, if they receive commensurate attention, there would be overwhelming developmental tangible across the country.
Hence, if only President Tinubu could ponder these underlying requests and favourably consider them, Nigerians, especially the poor, would indeed breathe. And then of strategic importance, if only he could use his power and influence to give Nigeria a people-oriented constitution, prepared through an all-inclusive process, the masses would be convinced that democracy indeed can work in Africa and Nigeria, particularly. Mr President should be persuaded that there is no better challenge now than creating functional democratic systems that work for the people. He should see the need to free the masses from the suffocating grips of the elites, through robust leadership, especially now that it has mattered the most. Otherwise, it amounts to hypocrisy and unfairness expecting the legislature to deliver within the prevailing configuration. So Tinubu, the ball is in your court if you wish to receive a generous mention whenever our history is rewritten. But in the interim, please Your Excellency, listen to Akpabio on this, for he has spoken the minds of well-meaning Nigerians.
Egbo is a parliamentary affairs analyst
By Abiodun KOMOLAFE
The concepts of power, privilege and governance are complex and multifaceted. Power refers to the ability to influence others, while privilege denotes unearned advantages.
Governance encompasses institutions, structures and processes that regulate these dynamics. Together, these concepts raise fundamental questions about justice, equality and resource distribution.
It emphasizes the importance of considering marginalized groups’ experiences and perspectives. The main problem in Nigeria today is its political economy, which is rooted in rent-seeking and fosters a mindset that prioritizes patronage over production.
The country’s politics are characterized by a patron-client relationship, where everything revolves around government handouts rather than effective governance. This has led to a situation where “politics” in Nigeria is essentially a scramble for resources in a country with severely limited opportunities for self-improvement.
When French agronomist René Dumont wrote ‘False Starts in Africa’ in 1962, he inadvertently described Nigeria’s current state in 2025. Nigeria’s missteps have magnified themselves in the theatre of the absurd, such as the construction of a new vice presidential residence and Governor Chukwuemeka Soludo’s boasts about the lavish official residence for the governor of Anambra State, currently under construction.
It is to be noted in contradistinction that the newly sworn-in Prime Minister of Canada, Mark Carney, is looking for somewhere to live. The official residence of the prime minister, 24 Sussex Drive, the Canadian equivalent of 10 Downing Street, is in disrepair and uninhabitable. No Canadian government can dare ask the parliament to appropriate the $40m needed to refurbish the residence.
Canada’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) exceeds $2 trillion, while Nigeria’s GDP is less than $400 billion. Still, Nigeria claims to be a giant! With an electricity generation capacity of less than 6,000 megawatts, Nigeria’s proclamation seems absurd, especially when compared to cities like Johannesburg, Singapore, Hong Kong and Mumbai. Even Lagos State alone should be generating, transmitting and distributing at least 15,000 megawatts, which would be a basic expectation rather than an achievement.
Nigeria today needs a comprehensive overhaul of its governance crisis to build a new political economy and social services that are fit for purpose. Although the government is on the right path in some ways, a root-and-branch transformation is still necessary.
A notable breakthrough is the decision to recapitalize development finance institutions, such as the Bank of Industry and, crucially, the Bank of Agriculture. This move is significant in a rent-seeking state, as it addresses the need for long-term capital – a prerequisite for achieving meaningful progress.
The development finance institutions require annual recapitalization of at least N500 billion, ideally N1 trillion. Achieving this necessitates a thorough cost evaluation of the government’s machinery, starting with the full implementation of the Oronsaye Committee’s recommendations.
The resulting cost savings can then be redirected to development finance institutions and essential social services like primary healthcare. Furthermore, the government should be bolder, if it can afford to be so, especially since there’s no discernible opposition on offer At the moment, the Nigerian political establishment across the board appears to be enamored by the position put forward by the leader of the Russian revolution, Vladimir Lenin, after the failed putsch. Lenin wrote the classic, ‘What is to be done?’
His observation is that revolutions do not take place at times of grinding poverty. They do so during periods of relatively rising prosperity. Significant sections of the Nigerian establishment believe that relatively rising prosperity could trigger off social discontent.
In their own interest, they had better be right. The caveat is that Lenin wrote ‘What’s to be Done’ in 1905. The world has moved on and changed since the conditions that led to the failure of the attempted takeover of government in Russia in 1905. Therefore, the Nigerian political establishment, for reasons of self-preservation, had better put on its thinking cap. Addressing power and privilege in governance requires collective action, institutional reforms and a commitment to promoting social justice. Nigeria currently lacks a leadership recruitment process, which can only be established if political parties are willing to develop a cadre. Unfortunately, the country is dealing with Special Purpose Vehicles (SPVs) instead. It’s rare to find leadership in Nigeria operating political boot camps to recruit and groom youths for future leadership roles.
This might be why many young people have a misguided understanding of politics, viewing it as merely a means of sharing the nation’s commonwealth. Mhairi Black was elected to the British House of Commons at 20 years old.
However, the key point is that Black had started becoming involved in politics at a young age. By the time she was elected, she had already gained significant experience, effectively becoming a veteran in the field. In Nigeria, politics is often seen as one of the few avenues for self-fulfillment. However, the economy is stagnant, with few jobs created in the public sector and limited investment opportunities.
This is a far cry from the 1950s and 1960s, when political parties were more substantial. Today, it’s worth asking how many Nigerian political parties have functional Research Departments. Besides, what socialization into any philosophy or ideology do our politicians have? Similarly to former Governor Rotimi Amaechi, many of those who currently hold power are motivated to stay in politics due to concerns about economic stability.
Of course, that’s why the Lagos State House of Assembly has had to revert itself. It is the same challenge that has reduced the traditional institution to victims of Nigeria’s ever-changing political temperature. It is the reason an Ogbomoso indigene is not interested in what happened between Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola.
It is also the reason an Ijebuman sees an Ogbomoso man as his enemy without bothering to dig up the bitter politics that ultimately succeeded in putting the two families on the path of permanent acrimony. Of course, that’s why we have crises all over the place! May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419)
Byabiodun KOMOLAFE
Rivers State is now under emergency rule, and it’s likely to remain so for the next six months, unless a drastic change occurs.
If not managed carefully, this could mark the beginning of a prolonged crisis.
In situations like this, opinions tend to be divergent. For instance, some people hold the notion that the security situation and the need to protect the law and public order justified President Bola Tinubu’s proclamation of a state of emergency in, and the appointment of a sole administrator for Rivers State.
However, others view this act as ‘unconstitutional’, ‘reckless’, ‘an affront on democracy’, and ‘a political tool to intimidate the opposition’. When we criticize governments for unmet expectations, we often rely on our own perspectives and biases.
Our individual identities and prejudices shape our criticism. However, it’s essential to recognize that not all criticism is equal. Protesting within the law is fundamentally different from protests that descend into illegality. Once illegality creeps in, the legitimacy of the protest is lost.
As John Donne wrote in ‘Devotions Upon Emergent Occasions’, “Never send to know for whom the bell tolls.” A protest is legitimate when it aligns with societal norms, values and laws. But when protests are marred by violence or sabotage, they lose credibility. Without credibility, protests become ineffective.
Regarding the validity or otherwise of the emergency rule in Rivers State, it is imperative that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governors approach the Supreme Court immediately. They should seek a definitive clarification on whether the proclamation is ultra vires or constitutional.
For whatever it’s worth, they owe Nigerians that responsibility!May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
Abiodun KOMOLAFE,ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419 – SMS only.
Abba Dukawa
The political crisis began in December 2023, when Governor Fubara ordered the demolition of the state House of Assembly complex, which remains unrebuilt to this day. This act has effectively paralyzed the legislative arm, disrupting the state’s system of checks and balances.
The Supreme Court highlighted the severity of this situation on February 28, 2025, emphasizing the absence of a functional government in Rivers State and the executive’s role in collapsing the legislative arm, thereby creating a governance void
Additionally, recent reports indicate that militants have been vandalizing pipelines and issuing threats without any intervention from the state government, raising concerns about the state’s security and economic stability.Given Rivers State’s crucial role in the country’s economy, this situation necessitates urgent and cautious intervention from the federal government.Despite interventions from various stakeholders, including Tinubu himself, the crisis has persisted
.It’s worth noting that Tinubu is the third president to invoke Section 305 of the Constitution, after Ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo and Former President Goodluck Jonathan.
President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State has sparked intense debate about its necessity and potential motivations. During his nationwide speech, Tinubu warned that this decision could set off a chain of unpredictable events, potentially leading to radical ideologies and extremist tendencies.
Critics argue that Tinubu’s decision was unnecessary and politically motivated, particularly given his connection to Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, who is accused of being the “arrowhead” of the crisis. Some believe that Tinubu’s administration aims to remove Governor Fubara, perceived as hostile to the 2027 Tinubu/Wike project.Ultimately, the motivations behind Tinubu’s decision remain unclear, and its implications for Rivers State and Nigeria as a whole are yet to be fully seen.
Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has strongly opposed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State and his suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, and members of the Rivers State President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.House of Assembly. President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.
The NBA pointed to Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, which governs the procedure for declaring a state of emergency. While this section grants the President emergency powers, it does not allow for the removal or suspension of elected officials. The NBA stressed that the only constitutional method for removing a governor or deputy governor is through impeachment as outlined in Section 188.
Furthermore, the removal of lawmakers must adhere to electoral laws and constitutional provisions insisted that a state of emergency does not equate to an automatic dissolution of an elected government, and any attempt to do so is an overreach of executive power.
Also Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has strongly condemned President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State, calling it an “assault on democracy” that must be denounced in the strongest possible terms . Wazirin Adamawa argues that Tinubu’s administration is responsible for the chaos in Rivers State, either by enabling it or failing to prevent it. He emphasizes that the President should bear full responsibility for any compromise of federal infrastructure in the state, rather than punishing the people of Rivers State with a state of emergency.
Abubakar also accuses president Tinubu of being a partisan actor in the political turmoil in Rivers, and his refusal to prevent the escalation is seen as “disgraceful to the people of Rivers” The former Vice President believes that the destruction of national infrastructure in Rivers State is a direct result of the President’s failure to act, and punishing the people of Rivers State would be undemocratic.
In his statement, former vice president asserts that the declaration of a state of emergency “reeks of political manipulation and outright bad faith. He urges that the people of Rivers State should not be punished for the political gamesmanship between the governor and Tinubu’s enablers in the federal government. Other analyst believes that the situation in Rivers State, though politically tense, does not meet the constitutional threshold for the removal of elected officials.
For a state of emergency to be declared, Section 305(3) of the Constitution outlines specific conditions, including:
1. War or external aggression against Nigeria. Imminent danger of invasion or war. A breakdown of public order and safety to such an extent that ordinary legal measures are insufficient.
Other reasons for such decisions to be enforced are clear danger to Nigeria’s existence and Occurrence of any disaster or natural calamity affecting a state or a part of it. Where public danger constitutes a threat to the Federation.
Since the state of the emergency in Rivers state has been promulgation, political watchers questions whether the political crisis in Rivers State has reached the level of a complete breakdown of law that has warranting the removal of the Governor and his administration. Political disagreements, legislative conflicts, or executive-legislative tensions do not constitute a justification for emergency rule.
Had been the president remain filmed Such conflicts should have been resolved through legal and constitutional mechanisms, including the judiciary, rather than executive fiat.
A state of emergency is an extraordinary measure that must be invoked strictly within constitutional limits. The removal of elected officials under the pretext of emergency rule is unconstitutional and unacceptable.Tinubu’s administration decision to declare a state of emergency has been met with mixed reactions. Some argue that it was necessary to restore sanity to the state and ensure the country’s stability. Others,, believe that it was an unnecessary decision that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Was declaration for Rivers state is necessary or political motivation? President Bola Amed Tinubu is fully aware that the declaration of State of Emergency in a prevalent democratic system is not the solution to the self-inflicted crisis bedeviling the State.
What Tinubu needed most was to call Wike, his Minister of FCT, to order. The former governor Wike is the arrowhead of the crisis bedeviling the State.
Now what the president Tinubu decision for the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State was an unnecessary decision” that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Other views whether president decisions of keeping his ally, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, is worth jeopardizing Nigeria’s economy.The keen watcher of events regarded the decision as a display of unpardonable mediocrity and diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027.
Tinubu administration wants to use the excuse of the political instability and other security challenges in Rivers to remove Governor FUBURA from the POWER considered hostile to the minister of the Federal Capital Territory or TInubu/Wiki diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027 election.
During his speeches Mr. President, blaming only the state governor and House of Assembly for the crisis in Rivers State is like expecting one iron to make a loud sound – it’s unrealistic and ignores the roles of others, including the former governor and a cabinet member in your administration.
Let us not forget; The situation in Rivers state is indeed complex, with President Tinubu’s intervention aiming to restore order, but also raising important questions about the balance between federal intervention and state autonomy. Invoking a state of emergency to suspend elected officials is a drastic measure that may set a worrying precedent, especially if not handled carefully.
The appointment of a retired military officer as the state’s administrator also raises concerns about the militarization of a democratic government. This move may be perceived as an attempt to exert federal control over the state, rather than allowing democratic processes to unfold, the initial six-month period of emergency rule, with provisions for extension, could lead to prolonged federal control. This is why it’s essential to establish clear timelines and measurable objectives to ensure a timely return to democratic governance.
Some of the key concerns that need to be addressed include: The potential for abuse of power*: The suspension of elected officials and the appointment of a military administrator could be seen as an attempt to consolidate federal power.
– *The impact on democratic institutions*: The emergency rule could undermine the democratic institutions in Rivers state and set a precedent for future interventions.
– *The need for transparency and accountability*: The federal government must ensure that the emergency rule is transparent, accountable, and subject to regular review. Ultimately, finding a balance between restoring order and respecting democratic institutions is crucial. The federal government must tread carefully to avoid exacerbating the situation and ensure a peaceful resolution.
Dukawa public affairs commentator and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com
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