Opinion
Tinubu: Charlatanism at Chatham House

By Dr. Festus Adedayo

Egba, Ogun State-born indigenous African Sakara music exponent, Sanusi Aka, popularly known as S. Aka Baba Waidi, in two of his vinyls, illustrates my drift today. This he did in the albums recorded in 1959 and 1974 respectively. While the former was highly political, which he entitled Ibo fedira, (Federal election) the other was entitled Awon Orisha.

The Awon Orisha track is a fabulous narrative of how some renowned deities in Yorubaland, in an ego clash and desirous of sorting out their supremacy battle, met with and had a conversation with God. Some of the deities were Ifa and Osanyin, as well as Islamic/Christian clerics, and the Witch. Each demanded of Him a pronouncement that they were the most powerful and supreme among earthly deities. God then asked them to gather at an appointed date for a test of their individual prowess.
Inside a house with different rooms, God kept in each a cow, black dog and white ram, with no one but His angels in the know of this arrangement. One after the other, God asked these divinities the identity of what He kept inside the rooms. Aka rendered this request by God musically, in his very sonorous, Egba dialect-laced voice, salted with his insignia traditional flute, as ohun to wa ni’yara ko’kan, ko wi fun wa, ka gbo s’eti. As they took their turns, beginning with Ifa, expectedly, the deities were apt in their divination of the objects kept in the rooms. For this, God gave them, beginning with Ifa, kudos – Olohun ni sadankata e, Ifa. When it was the turn of the Witch to be called to demonstrate her prowess, she boasted that, as against the other divinities who could merely see through the fog of the unseen, she was capable of transpolinating destinies – won ni awon le yi kadara eda pada sibikibi t’awon ba fe. So she used her witchcraft to swap those objects that God kept inside the rooms, to the chagrin of all gathered. And as such, the Witch emerged the most supreme of all deities, so said Aka.
The power in the hands of the voter is almost equal to the power of the African witch. In Africa, witchraftery is a powerful occult that gives its initiates the power of life and death. God bless the soul of my teacher at the University of Lagos, Prof Sophie Oluwole, who majored in the study of witchcraft, in Yoruba epistemology, which promotes the witch to an almost imperial realm, the witch is attributed with the power to munch the limb through the narrow passage of the head; devour the heart through the route of the kidneys and the bile-duct from the buttocks. As powerful as the witch is projected to be, virtually every belief woven round it is in the realm of fantasy. It cannot be subjected to hypothesis or empirical verification. Pursuing this belief of the Yoruba further, witchcraftery is said to be a cult whose members kill and look not for the vulture to devour the carcass. They do this themselves.
The voter, the world over, is that African Witch. S/he is imbued with remarkable power to transpose and transpolinate destinies of ordinary aspirants and candidates into political offices. Remember that Honolulu, Hawaii-born Senator of Kenyan descent, Barack Obama who, upon being elected the American president, took the world by storm? Or the Zoologist from Otueke, Bayelsa State, Goodluck Jonathan, who suddenly came in possession of the untrammeled power of the Nigerian president? That is the inexplicably mysterious power of the withcraftery in a vote and the power of its user.
In the 1959 vinyl, Aka lamented the loss of the federal election of that year by Chief Obafemi Awolowo to the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) of the Sardauna of Sokoto, Ahmadu Bello. Very seldom do Nigerians realize that, in the 2023 presidential election equation which produced Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi and Bola Tinubu, Nigeria is back to the 1959 federal election model. Aka tells us this.
In very epigrammatic musical description, Aka narrated how the trauma pre, during and after of that election was hugely unsettling for the Nigerian people – Ojo nla lojo yen…ese girigiri loju titi gbogbo ilu pa lolo. When the Rediffusion eventually announced the election results, said Aka, as NCNC was being declared victorious in many polling stations, so also was AG – the Egbe Olope. Expectations were splintered along ethnic lines, he said – L’oju tiwa, bi ko j’Awolowo; loju Ibo, bi ko j’Azikuwe (sic); loju Hausa, bi ko je Tafa Balewa… but before anyone knew what was happening, Aka continued, “Egbe Hausa” – Hausa party, that is the NPC – had been declared winner. In Aka’s summary, southern self betrayal, absence of group cohesion and greed were the cause of the loss.
As powerful as the voter is, in the Third World especially, he is at the same time as light as the quill of the feather. He is impressionable, pliant and seems to be easily mollified by the frills of oppressors. The elector is not deep, no matter his level of education; they are flimsy and very easily suaded. When confronted with electoral choices, even if he is a professor, the elector throws away his thinking cap and begins to reason with infantile mindset. What triggers the elector’s excitement at moments of electioneering are flimsy and unenduring fancies. Persuaded of this penchant not to be thorough, the Nigerian politician also treats the prospective electors in this mould.
From the elector who would thoroughly interrogate issues that politicians like Awolowo confronted in the First and Second Republics, we have landed at the feet of electors who are so peremptory, unsound and are easily excited by nothing. The politician has morphed from who he was in the 1960s to the 1980s. He has changed from one who confronted the electors with cogent, persuasive and convincing offering as reasons to be voted. The highly intellectual and perspectival politician of those eras has given way to the politician of today who has the temerity to act in a condemnable way in the face of the elector, knowing full well that the elector will yell in excitement.
That tumbling down of the Nigerian politician is captured by the colossal dropdown from the Awolowo, Bello and Azikiwe Olympian height campaign modalities to, if you pardon the vulgarism therein, something in the mould of another Sakara music great, Yusufu Olatunji’s classification of someone who mutated from the abominable to the reprehensible.
In a famous 1970s vinyl, Volume 17 to be precise, Olatunji, apparently doing a riposte to an earlier vituperative sarcasm from his lifelong musical rival, S. Aka, the man known by the famous sobriquet “Baba L’Egba”, singed the flesh of Aka musically. He began by lamenting that his adversary had luxuriated in infamy, from a decidedly lamentable state – Omo Eran, Son of a Goat – to a worse form – Omo Eshin and finally, to the most precarious state – Omo Garawa, Son of a Metal Bowl, which he rendered in the song thus: A npe won l’omo Eran, won hu’wa omo Eshin/A npe won l’omo Eshin, won hu’wa Omo garawa/Awon Eniyan yepere, ko to si’ruwa lati se Gada f’eniyan yepere.
Translated, it reads thus, I initially called you Son of a Goat, but in manner, utterances and demeanour, you have since earned promotion to be referred to as Son of a Goat. I had not sat down to this classification of your person before you tumbled down into something worse, the Son of a Horse and then subsequently, you transcended further into earning the sobriquet of Omo Garawa – Son of a Metal Bowl. This is due to your roguish and rascally behavior which makes you deserving of my resentment and complete avoidance.
As dire as the Nigerian situation currently is, the least that should have been expected from Nigerian electors is a firm grilling and toothcomb analysis of every move of their intended leaders, lest they travel their usual jaded route again. This is a Shefiu Ayan suggested path for society. Shefiu Ayan Ayan was a renowned Apala musical prodigy of the 1950s, one who sparred fittingly but bitterly with Haruna Ishola, along with Kasumu Adio. He died young and abruptly in the 1950s, at the apogee of his fame.
Ayan’s approach to an impending doom, which would have been the most desirable for the Nigerian electors, is that they should face their doom squarely and decisively and not with tantrums and infantile laughter. Ayan was reputed with the song, Kinikan nbe’nugbo which he sang in 1955. In this track, Ayan alarmingly called the attention of the public to an impending doom whose route to town would be the forest. While confessing that the doom was ominous and scary, he canvassed group tackle of the doom as a tree cannot make a forest. This he rendered thus: Kinikan nbe’nugbo ton dun manhuru, manhuru…Eru nba mi, Ominu nko mi, Shefiu Ayan, ki lon ko e lominu? A tiri cannoti make a foresti…
While Nigerian politicians have gone deep down in their lack of thoroughness and excitement with vaporizing issues as campaign objects, the Nigerian voter has gone further down the abyss with them. Only recently, we were sold the dummy of Muhammadu Buhari. Virtually every component of that dummy has fallen. Not only was Buhari the presidential candidate shielded from being grilled by Nigerians in presidential debates, as a political gambit, his mental depth was completely shrouded from view. Voters even rationalized that his opaque academic certification was unnecessary and that even if he presented a NEPA bill, he was fine. The result has been almost eight years of weeping, wailing and gnashing of teeth. Today, those who packaged that fraud as pearl are being rewarded with yet another brand of self-obfuscation and complete representation of dross as gold to us. Rather than critically rejecting this misrepresentation, we yell in childlike excitement and fantasy.
Last Monday, the presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), ex-Governor Bola Tinubu, honoured the well advertised appearance at the Chatham House in the United Kingdom. Apart from addressing many issues that agitated the minds of the people, though in a scripted speech, whether believable or not, issues like his place of birth, certificates, corruption and sundry others got his explanation. It was a good place to begin. It showed that Nigerians eventually got him to speak to them directly about his opaque past.
“I have a very good exposure in life. My record is consistent in the school, at the university. They (critics) are now convinced that they wasted their money and their time. The record is there, the transcript is there showing March 1952…I am not claiming another father; I am Tinubu and Tinubu proper. If they want DNA, they could as well request it from us. One of them has even been accused of not being a Nigerian citizen. I didn’t touch that area. Equally, it remains the same, Deloitte, Chicago State University where I graduated from has attested to that. Now, I can announce that I have received my original replacement degree certificate from them,” he said.
However, after his opening remarks, when asked to answer, adlib, specific and critical issues bordering his projected governance of Nigeria, Tinubu outsourced his answers. One after the other, he assigned to the Kaduna State governor, Nasir el-Rufai; Director of Strategic Communication of his campaign, Dele Alake; a former Commissioner for Finance in Lagos, Wale Edun; Speaker of the House of Representatives, Femi Gbajabiamila; former Ekiti State governor, Kayode Fayemi; APC National Women’s Leader, Dr Beta Edu, the responsibility of answering those burning questions on the administration of Nigeria. He prefaced this queer leadership model with a rationalization thus: “Let me demonstrate here one of those philosophies and doctrines that I believe firmly in; it is team-ship, unbreakable team. To demonstrate that, I’ll assign it to my team”.
This was a man whose extempore speeches since he began the presidential campaign have been pockmarked by embarrassing glitches that spoke to mental mis-coordination; or the burden of one bereft of adequate reasoning capacity. He had been invited to media interviews which he shunned. Rationalizing this at Chatham, Tinubu said he refrained from such one-on-one interviews with Nigerians because, “I see myself as a marketable individual. They want to use me to make money and I said no.” So, what is wrong in that?
Thereafter, Tinubu’s hirelings and his team of supporters began to manifest the Yusufu Olatunji’s mutation traits. In their self-imposed vision limitation, there is nothing wrong with Tinubu sending his child to defecate on his behalf. Didn’t our forefathers posit that defecation isn’t delegable? Again, such assignment of seeking our votes and showing us the depth of his knowledge find a corollary in a principle in constitutional and administrative law rendered in Latin which holds that, delegatus non potest delegare; meaning, one to whom power is delegated cannot himself further delegate that power.
Tinubu’s men however reasoned that that slip at Chatham mirrored team-ship and delegation of responsibility. How can any responsible person justify this? For a man who has suffered awesome shellacking back home on suspicion of a mental gap somewhere, while it is bad enough that his charity must begin abroad, good reason should have dictated that he should have taken time to answer every of the questions posed to him so as to shame his critics. What he did at Chatham House is tantamount to an applicant for a job asking his interviewer to be allowed to outsource the answering of questions to somebody else. The so-called leadership acumen that Tinubu is alleged to possess will begin, if he wins the presidential election, from May 29, 2023 and not now. What we are about now is a process of inquisition into his qualification for the office.
The Yusufu Olatunji Omo Garawa crew who try to blindfold the electorate with all sorts of concoctions should know that, if at the end of the day, these selfsame electors decide that Tinubu, regardless of his limitations, should be Nigeria’s president in 2023, let it be that they opened their eyes wide while making their decision. After all, the American electorate did not jilt John Fetterman, the Democratic candidate who suffered stroke and who was mocked and lobbed acrimony at by his Republican opponent, Mehmet Oz, during a rancorous race for Pennsylvania’s US Senate seat. They however deserve to know every of Tinubu’s limitations, his health status and his depth.
The tragedy of our situation isn’t that politicians have morphed from Son of a Goat, into Son of a Horse; it is that those who should call them out for who they are, have fallen by the wayside. When you hear the comments of those we thought were our repository of morals and knowledge and their rationalization of and pontifications on the charlatanism that is on parade among candidates seeking our Witches’ hands to get to power, the only fitting epithet to this disaster should be, “And Jesus wept.” Most tragic of it all is that these are men and women who are not lured to leap inside this sewage by cash. They are lured by their tenuous minds.

Opinion
Between Jigawa state government and drop in grain prices
By Adamu Muhd Usman.

“If you can think of it, you can plan it; if you can plan it, you can dream it; if you can dream it, you can achieve it.”

—Unknown author
Farming and livestock are Jigawa’s main occupations. The Jigawa people and its government are always interested in farming. So talking about farming, farmers, commodities and livestock prices are interesting issues for Jigawa people.
The prices of cash crops, grains, etc., are recording a steady drop in Jigawa State occasioned by the yearning and interest of the people of the state and also some state government commitment for both farming of animals and farm produce.
A check and investigations by yours sincerely showed and proved that the prices of many things had dropped by 20-30 per cent in the last four weeks and thereabouts in Jigawa state.
A 10 kg local rice farm (produced) in Jigawa State was sold at ₦9,000 as against the previous price of almost ₦12,000. Millet, sorghum, beans, wheat, Benny seeds, etc., indicated a similar price decrease.
People are of the opinion that the situation of a high supply of the produce from farms in Jigawa State has committed itself to producing a large quantity of farm produce and livestock to meet the demand in the region or the country at large. Surely, the increase in the supply of the produce from the farms or farmers had forced prices down in the recent past.
Others still attributed this price drop to the fear of Allah instilled in the hearts of hoarders because the clerics kept preaching against hoarding, which is seriously frown upon by God Almighty.
While some political critics viewed it as the bad economic policies of the President Tinubu administration, in which Allah used it to bring relief to the common man.
Quite obviously, Jigawa is amongst the three states in the federation that produce and supply the nation and some neighbouring counties with grains, livestock, fish and frogs. Jigawa state is also first in Hibiscus, sesame, gum Arabic, datefarm and also Jigawa is not left behind in the farming of cotton and Siemens. —-Jigawa is blessed.
But at the overround investigations, findings and outcomes, it was largely concluded that all these results and achievements were attributed to the people’s interest and passion for farming, but it is mostly because of the government’s commitments to assist, promote and enhance agricultural production in the state to make it a priority in Jigawa as a means of livelihood, occupation and income for the Jigawa populace and to be a source of internally generated revenue (IGR) for the state and also make the state feed the nation formula. Thank God, the airport (cargo) built by the former governor, Dr Sule Lamido, will now be very functional and useful.
The big question now is, can the state government sustain its support for the agricultural sector and continue to pay more attention and also sustain the package and gesture?
We hope that farmers in the state will continue to enjoy maximum support in crop production, including the use of mechanised farming. This will encourage livestock farming, which will go a long way to reduce or stop farmers’/herders’ clashes.
Also, the issue of soil erosion should be given due attention, and more roads should be constructed across the state in order to facilitate bringing out farm produce from villages and rural areas to urban areas.
As the saying goes, Success is getting what you want, and happiness is wanting what you get.
Adamu writes from Kafin-Hausa, Jigawa State.

Opinion
Power, privilege and governance

By Abiodun KOMOLAFE

The concepts of power, privilege and governance are complex and multifaceted. Power refers to the ability to influence others, while privilege denotes unearned advantages.

Governance encompasses institutions, structures and processes that regulate these dynamics. Together, these concepts raise fundamental questions about justice, equality and resource distribution.
It emphasizes the importance of considering marginalized groups’ experiences and perspectives. The main problem in Nigeria today is its political economy, which is rooted in rent-seeking and fosters a mindset that prioritizes patronage over production.
The country’s politics are characterized by a patron-client relationship, where everything revolves around government handouts rather than effective governance. This has led to a situation where “politics” in Nigeria is essentially a scramble for resources in a country with severely limited opportunities for self-improvement.
When French agronomist René Dumont wrote ‘False Starts in Africa’ in 1962, he inadvertently described Nigeria’s current state in 2025. Nigeria’s missteps have magnified themselves in the theatre of the absurd, such as the construction of a new vice presidential residence and Governor Chukwuemeka Soludo’s boasts about the lavish official residence for the governor of Anambra State, currently under construction.
It is to be noted in contradistinction that the newly sworn-in Prime Minister of Canada, Mark Carney, is looking for somewhere to live. The official residence of the prime minister, 24 Sussex Drive, the Canadian equivalent of 10 Downing Street, is in disrepair and uninhabitable. No Canadian government can dare ask the parliament to appropriate the $40m needed to refurbish the residence.
Canada’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) exceeds $2 trillion, while Nigeria’s GDP is less than $400 billion. Still, Nigeria claims to be a giant! With an electricity generation capacity of less than 6,000 megawatts, Nigeria’s proclamation seems absurd, especially when compared to cities like Johannesburg, Singapore, Hong Kong and Mumbai. Even Lagos State alone should be generating, transmitting and distributing at least 15,000 megawatts, which would be a basic expectation rather than an achievement.
Nigeria today needs a comprehensive overhaul of its governance crisis to build a new political economy and social services that are fit for purpose. Although the government is on the right path in some ways, a root-and-branch transformation is still necessary.
A notable breakthrough is the decision to recapitalize development finance institutions, such as the Bank of Industry and, crucially, the Bank of Agriculture. This move is significant in a rent-seeking state, as it addresses the need for long-term capital – a prerequisite for achieving meaningful progress.
The development finance institutions require annual recapitalization of at least N500 billion, ideally N1 trillion. Achieving this necessitates a thorough cost evaluation of the government’s machinery, starting with the full implementation of the Oronsaye Committee’s recommendations.
The resulting cost savings can then be redirected to development finance institutions and essential social services like primary healthcare. Furthermore, the government should be bolder, if it can afford to be so, especially since there’s no discernible opposition on offer At the moment, the Nigerian political establishment across the board appears to be enamored by the position put forward by the leader of the Russian revolution, Vladimir Lenin, after the failed putsch. Lenin wrote the classic, ‘What is to be done?’
His observation is that revolutions do not take place at times of grinding poverty. They do so during periods of relatively rising prosperity. Significant sections of the Nigerian establishment believe that relatively rising prosperity could trigger off social discontent.
In their own interest, they had better be right. The caveat is that Lenin wrote ‘What’s to be Done’ in 1905. The world has moved on and changed since the conditions that led to the failure of the attempted takeover of government in Russia in 1905. Therefore, the Nigerian political establishment, for reasons of self-preservation, had better put on its thinking cap. Addressing power and privilege in governance requires collective action, institutional reforms and a commitment to promoting social justice. Nigeria currently lacks a leadership recruitment process, which can only be established if political parties are willing to develop a cadre. Unfortunately, the country is dealing with Special Purpose Vehicles (SPVs) instead. It’s rare to find leadership in Nigeria operating political boot camps to recruit and groom youths for future leadership roles.
This might be why many young people have a misguided understanding of politics, viewing it as merely a means of sharing the nation’s commonwealth. Mhairi Black was elected to the British House of Commons at 20 years old.
However, the key point is that Black had started becoming involved in politics at a young age. By the time she was elected, she had already gained significant experience, effectively becoming a veteran in the field. In Nigeria, politics is often seen as one of the few avenues for self-fulfillment. However, the economy is stagnant, with few jobs created in the public sector and limited investment opportunities.
This is a far cry from the 1950s and 1960s, when political parties were more substantial. Today, it’s worth asking how many Nigerian political parties have functional Research Departments. Besides, what socialization into any philosophy or ideology do our politicians have? Similarly to former Governor Rotimi Amaechi, many of those who currently hold power are motivated to stay in politics due to concerns about economic stability.
Of course, that’s why the Lagos State House of Assembly has had to revert itself. It is the same challenge that has reduced the traditional institution to victims of Nigeria’s ever-changing political temperature. It is the reason an Ogbomoso indigene is not interested in what happened between Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola.
It is also the reason an Ijebuman sees an Ogbomoso man as his enemy without bothering to dig up the bitter politics that ultimately succeeded in putting the two families on the path of permanent acrimony. Of course, that’s why we have crises all over the place! May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419)

Opinion
Rivers of emergency dilemma!

Byabiodun KOMOLAFE

Rivers State is now under emergency rule, and it’s likely to remain so for the next six months, unless a drastic change occurs.

If not managed carefully, this could mark the beginning of a prolonged crisis.
In situations like this, opinions tend to be divergent. For instance, some people hold the notion that the security situation and the need to protect the law and public order justified President Bola Tinubu’s proclamation of a state of emergency in, and the appointment of a sole administrator for Rivers State.
However, others view this act as ‘unconstitutional’, ‘reckless’, ‘an affront on democracy’, and ‘a political tool to intimidate the opposition’. When we criticize governments for unmet expectations, we often rely on our own perspectives and biases.
Our individual identities and prejudices shape our criticism. However, it’s essential to recognize that not all criticism is equal. Protesting within the law is fundamentally different from protests that descend into illegality. Once illegality creeps in, the legitimacy of the protest is lost.
As John Donne wrote in ‘Devotions Upon Emergent Occasions’, “Never send to know for whom the bell tolls.” A protest is legitimate when it aligns with societal norms, values and laws. But when protests are marred by violence or sabotage, they lose credibility. Without credibility, protests become ineffective.
Regarding the validity or otherwise of the emergency rule in Rivers State, it is imperative that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governors approach the Supreme Court immediately. They should seek a definitive clarification on whether the proclamation is ultra vires or constitutional.
For whatever it’s worth, they owe Nigerians that responsibility!May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
Abiodun KOMOLAFE,ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419 – SMS only.

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