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The National Assembly is constitutionally competent to summon Buhari

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Chief Mike Ozekhome, SAN, OFR, LL.M, Ph.D

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I have just read, with angst and trepidation, a statement credited to the Hon. Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Mr. Abubakar Malami, SAN, to the effect that the NASS has no power to summon the President over his “operational use of the Armed Forces”.

I am more disturbed with the AGF’s stance because the President has already voluntarily agreed to appear before the NASS.

Under sections 217, 218 and 219 of the 1999 Constitution, the President cannot carry out the “operational use of the Armed Forces” without the NASS concurring or empowering him to do so. Infact, under section 219(b), the composition of the Armed Forces of the Federation must reflect the Federal Character of Nigeria, and it is only the NASS that has the powers to make laws regulating how the President as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, carry out the operational use of the Armed Forces.

The President can never do so alone. So, Mr. President is subject to the scrutiny of the NASS as to why the strategies so far employed by Mr President to combat insecurity have abysmally failed Nigeria; and why he has continued to retain Service Chiefs, whose tenure of office has since expired, and who have since outlived their usefulness, efficiency and effectiveness.

There is nothing secret or confidential about the Nigeran security situation, as the AGF want us to believe. The AGF must be living in another utopian world, not the same world of reality, where the entire Governors of the North East, and the entire Northern establishment and elites, including the Sultan of Sokoto, the ACF and the NEF, who have all decried the terrible insecurity situation in the North.

Indeed, the Sultan said, without contradiction, that the North is the most hazardous and perilous place to live in Nigeria today. So, where is the AGF getting his information about reclaiming of over 14 Local Government Areas allegedly previously controlled by the Boko Haram from? Is there anybody in Nigeria today, including even the toddlers, who do not know that the entire security architecture and apparatchik of Nigeria is over 98% controlled and located in one section and one religion of this pluralistic, multi-ethic, multi-religious and multi-linguistic country called Nigeria?

I therefore whole heartedly and most vehemently disagree with the said statement credited to the Hon AGF, to the effect that the National Assembly is not constitutionally competent to invite Mr. President to come and address it on national security issues.

That piece of advice is wrong, wrong and wrong. I am amazed that the Presidential aides and spoke persons to Mr. President, such as Minister of Information, Mr. Lai Mohammed, the AGF, Mr. Femi Adesina and Mr. Garuba Shehu, do not give Mr. President the right and correct advice as to how to move the nation forward. They constantly engage in sophistry, inanities and ineffective liberal disquision, which do not in any way help to re-engineer the national weal; what late K. O. Mbadiwe, will refer to as “national resurgimento”.

President Muhammadu Buhari must realise that history will judge him for good or for bad; not his Attorney General or spokepersons. What Nigerians will remember in the future will be “the Buhari Administration”, not the Abubakar Malami, Lai Mohammed, Femi Adesina, or Garuba Shehu administration. This is because, as former American President, Harry Truman, once put it, “the Buck stops here”.

The Nigerian presidential system of government is modeled after the American Presidential system of government. And since 1776, when America became independent from the British Empire, and up to April 30, 1789, when George Washington stood on the balcony of Federal Hall on Wall Street in New York, and took the oath of office as the President of the USA, every American President has always given an annual “State of the Union Address”. And this is actually prescribed in the American Constitution, in Article 2, section 3, clause 1. Although such a specific provision is not found in the Nigerian Constitution, it is however clear that under section 4 of the 1999 Constitution, it is the National Assembly that is vested with the constitutional powers to “make laws for the peace, order and good government of the Federation, or any part thereof with respect to any matter included in the Exclusive legislative list…..”.

It therefore means that the President can only execute laws made by the National Assembly, by virtue of section 5 of the same Constitution, either by himself directly, or through the Vice President, Ministers or Officers of the Public Service of the Federation.

Similarly, under section 81(1), the President is expected, every financial year, to prepare and physically lay before the National Assembly, estimates of the revenues and expenditure of the Federation for the next financial year. This is commonly called the National Budget.

In such a situation, the Red and Blue Chambers of the NASS, meet together at a joint sitting, which is presided over by the Senate President, and in his absence, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, under section 53(2) of the 1999 Constitution. Can anyone, including the AGF, rightly argue that the NASS cannot constitutionally, not only invite, but also command, the President to, appear before it? I think not.

Furthermore, by virtue of section 88(1) of the 1999 Constitution, the National Assembly has the powers, by resolution published in its journal, or in the Official Gazette of the Federation, to direct or cause to be directed, investigation into ANY MATTER that it has powers to make laws on, as such matters include the conduct of affairs of ANY PERSON, authority, ministry or government department, which is in charge of executing or administering Laws enacted by the NASS, and also disbursing or administering monies appropriated or to be appropriated by the Executive under sections 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, and 162 of the 1999 Constitution. And these powers of the NASS are exercisable to “correct any defects in existing laws”, and to “expose corruption, inefficiency or waste in the execution of laws made by the NASS”, and in the disbursement of funds appropriated by it. “ANY PERSON” stated in section 88(1)(b) above, of course includes President Muhammadu Buhari himself. No more, no less.

In the face of this, can the AGF still argue that Buhari cannot be summoned by the NASS to explain the following:

(a) The monumental corruption currently ravaging the country, which has since made recovered loots to be further relooted?

(b) Corruption which has made the once Anti-corruption Czar, Mr Ibrahim Magu, to himself face the Justice Salami Panel and CCB, over allegations of massive corruption, abuse of office, insubordination, etc, which was ignited and initiated by Abubakar Malami himself?

(c) That corruption in Nigeria has become so incrementally monumental and cancerous, strutting about like a proud peacock, that Nigeria has carried the unenviable trophy of the 148 out of 180 most corrupt countries in the world; and the shameful diadem of the 3rd most corrupt country in West Africa, according to the 2020 Transparency International Corruption Perception Index (CPI)?

(d) Why “inefficiency” (section 88(1)(b)) and ineffectiveness, have made the present Buhari government to become lame-duck, clueless, visionless and compassless, that the country is literally on auto-pilot?

(e) That insecurity has become so alarmingly rampant that Boko Haram that was so tamed under the Jonathan government that elections seamlessly took place in the North East in 2015, has today become so monstrous that Northerners themselves are now singing to Nigerians that Boko Haram literally controls the entire North East space, mounting road blocks and checkpoints, and collecting revenue, taxation, and ransom from indigenes, whom they issue pass to, before they are allowed to move freely about in their own territories?

(f) That Boko Haram has even been rendered a child’s play, when compared with rampaging armed banditry, vicious and murderous Herdsmen, who kill Nigeran citizens in their farms and rape their mothers, wives and daughters, in their bedrooms, right before their very eyes?

(g) That Boko Haram has since been overtaken by violent and savagery cases of kidnapping and murders across the length and breadth Nigerian space?

(h) That the Nigerian economy has become so parlous that under the Buhari regime, Nigeria has entered into a second recession, and has since become the poverty capital of the world, overtaking India; whereas, under the Jonathan government in 2015, Nigeria was rebased as the biggest economy in Africa, overtaking South Africa in the process, with over $500billion, which made her one of the 7th fastest growing economies in the world?

With these, the AGF should never advise Mr. President not to appear before the NASS. It is not only moral and ethical to do so; it is also legally and constitutionally mandatory for Buhari to honour NASS summons.

President Buhari should go and face the NASS and answer questions why his government has failed Nigerians so abysmally. Buhari should not be protected. He should not be masqueraded. He should not be screened. He should face Nigerians, eye-ball-to-eye-ball, and account for his stewardship of nearly 6 years. It is not only a duty to do so; it is also an obligation he owes the Nigerian People. And this is constitutional. This is also moral. This is also ethical. This is also decent.

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Opinion

Rivers state: Why Tinubu’s administration resort to state of emergency

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Abba Dukawa

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The political crisis began in December 2023, when Governor Fubara ordered the demolition of the state House of Assembly complex, which remains unrebuilt to this day. This act has effectively paralyzed the legislative arm, disrupting the state’s system of checks and balances.

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The Supreme Court highlighted the severity of this situation on February 28, 2025, emphasizing the absence of a functional government in Rivers State and the executive’s role in collapsing the legislative arm, thereby creating a governance void

Additionally, recent reports indicate that militants have been vandalizing pipelines and issuing threats without any intervention from the state government, raising concerns about the state’s security and economic stability.Given Rivers State’s crucial role in the country’s economy, this situation necessitates urgent and cautious intervention from the federal government.Despite interventions from various stakeholders, including Tinubu himself, the crisis has persisted

.It’s worth noting that Tinubu is the third president to invoke Section 305 of the Constitution, after Ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo and Former President Goodluck Jonathan.

President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State has sparked intense debate about its necessity and potential motivations. During his nationwide speech, Tinubu warned that this decision could set off a chain of unpredictable events, potentially leading to radical ideologies and extremist tendencies.

Critics argue that Tinubu’s decision was unnecessary and politically motivated, particularly given his connection to Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, who is accused of being the “arrowhead” of the crisis. Some believe that Tinubu’s administration aims to remove Governor Fubara, perceived as hostile to the 2027 Tinubu/Wike project.Ultimately, the motivations behind Tinubu’s decision remain unclear, and its implications for Rivers State and Nigeria as a whole are yet to be fully seen.

Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has strongly opposed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State and his suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, and members of the Rivers State President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.House of Assembly. President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.

The NBA pointed to Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, which governs the procedure for declaring a state of emergency. While this section grants the President emergency powers, it does not allow for the removal or suspension of elected officials. The NBA stressed that the only constitutional method for removing a governor or deputy governor is through impeachment as outlined in Section 188.

Furthermore, the removal of lawmakers must adhere to electoral laws and constitutional provisions insisted that a state of emergency does not equate to an automatic dissolution of an elected government, and any attempt to do so is an overreach of executive power.

Also Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has strongly condemned President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State, calling it an “assault on democracy” that must be denounced in the strongest possible terms . Wazirin Adamawa argues that Tinubu’s administration is responsible for the chaos in Rivers State, either by enabling it or failing to prevent it. He emphasizes that the President should bear full responsibility for any compromise of federal infrastructure in the state, rather than punishing the people of Rivers State with a state of emergency.

Abubakar also accuses president Tinubu of being a partisan actor in the political turmoil in Rivers, and his refusal to prevent the escalation is seen as “disgraceful to the people of Rivers” The former Vice President believes that the destruction of national infrastructure in Rivers State is a direct result of the President’s failure to act, and punishing the people of Rivers State would be undemocratic.

In his statement, former vice president asserts that the declaration of a state of emergency “reeks of political manipulation and outright bad faith. He urges that the people of Rivers State should not be punished for the political gamesmanship between the governor and Tinubu’s enablers in the federal government. Other analyst believes that the situation in Rivers State, though politically tense, does not meet the constitutional threshold for the removal of elected officials.

For a state of emergency to be declared, Section 305(3) of the Constitution outlines specific conditions, including:

1. War or external aggression against Nigeria. Imminent danger of invasion or war. A breakdown of public order and safety to such an extent that ordinary legal measures are insufficient.

Other reasons for such decisions to be enforced are clear danger to Nigeria’s existence and Occurrence of any disaster or natural calamity affecting a state or a part of it. Where public danger constitutes a threat to the Federation.

Since the state of the emergency in Rivers state has been promulgation, political watchers questions whether the political crisis in Rivers State has reached the level of a complete breakdown of law that has warranting the removal of the Governor and his administration. Political disagreements, legislative conflicts, or executive-legislative tensions do not constitute a justification for emergency rule.

Had been the president remain filmed Such conflicts should have been resolved through legal and constitutional mechanisms, including the judiciary, rather than executive fiat.

A state of emergency is an extraordinary measure that must be invoked strictly within constitutional limits. The removal of elected officials under the pretext of emergency rule is unconstitutional and unacceptable.Tinubu’s administration decision to declare a state of emergency has been met with mixed reactions. Some argue that it was necessary to restore sanity to the state and ensure the country’s stability. Others,, believe that it was an unnecessary decision that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.

Was declaration for Rivers state is necessary or political motivation? President Bola Amed Tinubu is fully aware that the declaration of State of Emergency in a prevalent democratic system is not the solution to the self-inflicted crisis bedeviling the State.

What Tinubu needed most was to call Wike, his Minister of FCT, to order. The former governor Wike is the arrowhead of the crisis bedeviling the State.

Now what the president Tinubu decision for the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State was an unnecessary decision” that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.

Other views whether president decisions of keeping his ally, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, is worth jeopardizing Nigeria’s economy.The keen watcher of events regarded the decision as a display of unpardonable mediocrity and diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027.

Tinubu administration wants to use the excuse of the political instability and other security challenges in Rivers to remove Governor FUBURA from the POWER considered hostile to the minister of the Federal Capital Territory or TInubu/Wiki diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027 election.

During his speeches Mr. President, blaming only the state governor and House of Assembly for the crisis in Rivers State is like expecting one iron to make a loud sound – it’s unrealistic and ignores the roles of others, including the former governor and a cabinet member in your administration.

Let us not forget; The situation in Rivers state is indeed complex, with President Tinubu’s intervention aiming to restore order, but also raising important questions about the balance between federal intervention and state autonomy. Invoking a state of emergency to suspend elected officials is a drastic measure that may set a worrying precedent, especially if not handled carefully.

The appointment of a retired military officer as the state’s administrator also raises concerns about the militarization of a democratic government. This move may be perceived as an attempt to exert federal control over the state, rather than allowing democratic processes to unfold, the initial six-month period of emergency rule, with provisions for extension, could lead to prolonged federal control. This is why it’s essential to establish clear timelines and measurable objectives to ensure a timely return to democratic governance.

Some of the key concerns that need to be addressed include: The potential for abuse of power*: The suspension of elected officials and the appointment of a military administrator could be seen as an attempt to consolidate federal power.

– *The impact on democratic institutions*: The emergency rule could undermine the democratic institutions in Rivers state and set a precedent for future interventions.
– *The need for transparency and accountability*: The federal government must ensure that the emergency rule is transparent, accountable, and subject to regular review. Ultimately, finding a balance between restoring order and respecting democratic institutions is crucial. The federal government must tread carefully to avoid exacerbating the situation and ensure a peaceful resolution.

Dukawa public affairs commentator and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com

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Emergency Rule: How so called leaders led Fubara into a bottomless pit

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By Emmanuel Agaji

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On Tuesday, President Bola Tinubu vividly and clearly displayed rare leadership qualities as he ended the unnecessary display of naked murder of democracy in Rivers State.

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The president after several interventions to make a now former Governor Siminalayi Fubara to see reason had to use the big stick to trouble shoot the poor state of things in Rivers State.

He politely reminded Fubara of how he bulldozed a democratic structure (Rivers Assembly Complex) and 14 months after the structure remained untouched, the lawmakers were not paid one dime.

Quoting all the relevant portions of the Supreme Court verdict on Rivers headache, Tinubu had no choice than to do what most presidents consider a last option.

Giving Mr President a clearer view about what to do was the action of the militants last Monday night when they set a major pipeline on fire.

Barely 24hours after, precisely on Tuesday, another pipeline was punctured by same militants who had boasted to destroy oil installations immediately after Supreme Court verdict.

Asari Dokuboh a big beneficiary of Tinubu’s legacy for so many years was one of the first to threaten to demolish oil installations and even one strand of hair was not touched in his head.

Tinubu being a true democrat patiently watched as the events unfold as so many videos of hooded militants real or fake trended on social media networks threatening to turn Rivers into a massive inferno.

Mr President felt undaunted and kept his cool still watching the trend until Monday night that they touched his very sensitive nerve by destroying a major pipeline.

The so called leaders that Fubara swore an allegiance with continue to spur him that he has their backing.

Like a drunken sailor, Fubara followed his leaders and even after the Supreme Court verdicts that tied him from head to toe he continued to follow them sheepishly.

Last Tuesday, they met with Mr President and sought for an amicable resolution of the Fubara imbroglio but less than one week after oil installations were attacked.

The leaders instead of creating avenues for reconciliatory talks with the lawmakers and their well known leader stoked the fire to high heavens.

They called Nyesom Wike names that are unprintable and even sent a memo to Mr President all in a bid to discredit him.

These so called leaders were not there when Wike single handedly delivered their Ijaw brother instead he was tagged a hater of Ijaw Nation.

Wike’s polite response must have taken them unawares when he reminded them that if it’s true he hated the Ijaw people how come he made their son Fubara a governor?

Till date, even till tomorrow, the question is still begging for an answer as the leaders have no ready made answer to it till eternity.

The leaders gave him hope where there was no hope and led him into a bottomless pit.

Fubara was a nobody in Rivers politics, Wike made him somebody.

Clothed and bathed Fubara with hyssop to make him adorable, even his Ijaw kinsmen rejected him but against all odds Wike delivered him.

Wike never knew Fubara was a wolf in sheep’s clothing.

Emmanuel Agaji, a public affairs analyst wrote from Port Harcourt in Rivers State.

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Sule Lamido, PDP, and the politics of defection.

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Former Governor of Jigawa Sate,. Alhaji Sule Lamido

By: Adamu Muhd Usman

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“Success is not by our thinking, our wish, our personal opinion, or selfish aggrandisement. It is destined and accompanied by good attitudes of honesty, gratitude, commitment, perseverance, sacrifice, endurance, selflessness, and determination.
—– Sule Lamido

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When elections are approaching, political activities hasten. There has been speculation that Sule Lamido of Jigawa State will defect from the PDP and join a new party. It appears the speculators based their thinking on PDP’s unexpected devastating defeat in the 2023 general election. However, many people see the defeat as an outcome of a referendum on the PDP’s mistakes and adamant or foolish behaviour of an ordinary Nigerian, rather than a rejection verdict on the PDP, thus the party is expected to bounce back.

This is expected to happen with the help of people like Sule Lamido and other party stalwarts. Nonetheless, with speculation rife, it’s pertinent to ask, will Sule Lamido lead a revolt to ditch the PDP and form a new party or join SDP as H.E. Malam Nasir El-Rufai calls for?

Knowing Lamido’s styles of leadership and political antecedents, notably his being and ardent disciple of late Mallam Aminu Kano of blessed memory one may without mincing words say that Sule Lamido will not leave PDP he helped to give birth to; nurtured and played a very prominent role in.

The above assertion is provided by the fact that Sule Lamido does not have a history of inconsistencies in his political career, and he is not a politician that takes decisions based on the desire to play to the gallery.

Furthermore, Lamido, being one of the founding fathers of the PDP and a man with well-established connections, with political friends and associates all over and who enjoys tremendous support across the country, is not likely going to ditch the PDP.

If Lamido wanted to leave the PDP, he could have done it with the G7 governors who defected to the All Progressive Congress (APC) in 2014/2015. And, Lamido could have been one of the most celebrated ‘defectors’ the APC would now be flaunting.

Some people have mistakenly interpreted the recent news story of the former Kaduna state governor, H.E. Malam Nasir El-Rufai, defecting from APC to SDP, whereby he called bigwigs, though he dares not to mention the name of Sule Lamido in his list or invitation because he knows perfectly well Lamido’s space to that regard is a no-go area. But Lamido has dispelled the rumours via the interview he granted with the British Broadcasting Cooperation (BBC) Hausa service.

Governor Lamido asserted, I have no intention to leave the party. We dey kampe for PDP; we dey shelele for PDP. PDP has honoured and dignified me, and I am not leaving it for tenants. I am from a home background while others are from mere house backgrounds. We are well-groomed right from our homes, and we will not leave the party for anyone, especially for anger.

This is not a time for a blame game; the PDP should all accept that they made mistakes and find ways to correct them in the future.”

What people should best expect from Sule Lamido is rebuilding, reorganising, re-energising, and remodelling the PDP into a strong opposition party for the ruling APC. For instance, Lamido is well experienced in the art of politicking and governance; he will for sure lead other PDP founding fathers and party adherents to rebrand the party. Those that were instrumental in destroying the fabric that makes the PDP a strong national party may sooner or later become inactive in the party because they do not have the party in their hearts. Only causing trouble in order to be relevant and satisfy their pocket.

Sule Lamido has unequivocally assured their teaming supporters, party followers, and other stakeholders that he has no plans to join another party, leave the PDP, or allow intruders and interlopers to take over the house they have laboured to build.

The big question is, what should they do to correct their mistakes and reengineer a new beginning for the PDP?

Firstly, political pundits strongly believe that Sule Lamido and his likes will make sure the PDP returns to its cherished initial status—accommodating all people across the nations, running on democratic ideals that allow dissent and contrary views, but moves in harmony and as a family.

Secondly, Lamido will work painstakingly to rebrand the PDP and restore its hitherto attractive national ‘face.’ The PDP is like a bee, with six legs; once one leg is removed, the party becomes handicapped, unattractive, and motionless. This is what the intruders’ and interlopers that besieged the party do not understand.

Thirdly, Lamido is an expert in persuasion, trust building, patiently listening to contrary views, and also a political guru.

These skills of Lamido will be highly useful in time to come in order to return the PDP to the foundation on which its founding fathers built it.

The PDP will not regain its position as a strong and nationally spread political party without having individuals who share the spirit of the founding fathers of the party, individuals who passionately believe in one of the preambles of its constitution: “To mobilise like-minded Nigerians under the leadership of the party to build a nation responsive to the aspirations of its people, able to satisfy the just hopes and aspirations of the Black people of the world, and to gain the confidence of the nations.”

Many of PDP’s followers trust that Sule Lamido will be one of the like-minded individuals that will lead the way in the reclamation of the PDP’s lost glory.

Dr. Sule Lamido (CON) will remain in the PDP. He had the opportunity to defect, but he did not because he believes that defection is not the best way to develop and entrench democracy.

Whatever you see today is designed by God. It is not compulsory to be on the winning side always. One can see the spirit of patience and willingness to accept the will of the people in the duo of Lamido. Many Nigerians are expecting the duo to lead in the rebirth of the PDP, rather than ditching it.

Remember, Lamido is a party Founding Father, one of the original stoics who defied the brutal military dictatorship and formed a patriotic group of committed democrats that later formed the nucleus of the PDP.

Sule Lamido is among the nine people (G9) who formed the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, in 1998 along with Senator Iyorchia Ayu, Professor Jerry Gana, the late Dr. Alex Ekwueme, the late Mallam Adamu Ciroma, the late Chief Solomon Lar, the late Chief Bola Ige, the late Senator Ella, and the late Alhaji Abubakar Rimi. They confronted former Head of State, the late General Sani Abacha, on the need to quit the office and allow democracy to prosper.

Lamido and Rimi were picked and locked up in DSS cells, Rimi in Ilorin and Lamido in Maiduguri. They were only released after the sudden demise of Abacha.

Lamido, Jerry Gana, and Iyorchia Ayu are the lone PDP founding fathers still alive and on the landscape in politics and PDP.

Lamido has been consistent in PDP. He displays his sagacity in full force. He also deployed his unmatched energy and political skills in campaigning for PDP candidates from the top to the bottom from 1999 to date.

He has a history of radically confronting the military junta of Abacha for the sake of restoring democracy (PDP) to Nigeria, and he was sent to jail several times during the PRP days and the military era.

Lamido was imprisoned for his emancipation of the masses. Some of these things will give him an edge and advantage over other compatriots on the corridor of Nigerian politics and the PDP.

Lamido’s almost five decades of experience in the rough terrain of Nigerian politics is being brought to bear in this election cycle. He is so often in the news for a combination of reasons, including his imposing physical presence, his simple style of doing things, and his solid records of commitment, loyalty, achievements, consistency, and sacrifice, etc., to PDP since its creation in 1998 to date.

Sule Lamido is one of the most experienced politicians in Nigeria and is arguably the most successful governor in Nigeria since 1999 to date. Before then, he was a former unionist (PRP national youth leader), Social Democratic Party (SDP) national secretary, the party that made the late chief abiola to win as a president in the most freest, fairest, credible and peaceful election in Nigeria, a parliamentarian, and a former diplomat (minister). He has made a lot of sacrifices for this country, Nigeria. His contributions have reunited and reawakened Nigeria, and as far as politics is concerned, Lamido is one person you cannot bury or shove away.

Sule Lamido always says his mind, which in all cases aligns with the interests of the common man. He never succumbs to sentiments. He was never accused of bigotry or nepotism. He is a nationalist, liberal.

May Allah continue to prolong and preserve your life’s span. Lamido will keep working for Nigeria for the rest of his life to be peaceful, efficient, united, progressive, and great (excel).

May Nigeria rise again and work positively well. 2027 is a testing year for Nigeria. May God see us through and make it easy for us.

Adamu writes from Kafin-Hausa, Jigawa State.

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