Opinion
Opinion: How El-Rufai’s statement instigated Kajuru crisis in Southern Kaduna
By Shadrach Bako
On Friday, February 15, 2019, El Rufai said that 66 Fulani herders in eight settlements in Kajuru Local Government of Kaduna State had been killed the previous week after a meeting with officials of the International Republican Institute of the US who visited him in Kaduna.
During a press briefing at Sir Kashim Ibrahim House, he said, “just yesterday, I got a report of the killing of about 66 Fulani at Maro in Kajuru Local Government. I think this is deliberately designed to cause a reprisal and destabilize the local government during elections.” Hours later, the governor’s media aide, Samuel Aruwan (a son of Southern Kaduna soil – now Commissioner for Internal Security and Home Affairs), issued a statement giving details of these killings thus:
“Security agencies today (Friday) reported the recovery of 66 bodies that were killed in attacks by criminal elements on various dispersed hamlets in the Maro Gida and Iri axis of Kajuru LGA.
“The settlements affected include Ruga Bahago, Ruga Daku, Ruga Ori, Ruga Haruna, Ruga Yukka Abubakar, Ruga Duni Kadiri, Ruga Shewuka and Ruga Shuaibu Yau.”
The governor’s spokesperson said among the victims were 22 children and 12 women while four wounded persons “rescued by the security agencies are now receiving medical attention.”
Curiously, the Violent Incidents and Election Atrocity Fusion Centre (VIAFUC) for #NigeriaDecides2019 said in a statement that it contacted residents and community leaders of Kajuru and “trawled all possible sources and sent in two additional fact finders to verify these claims’ and concluded that “sadly, the alleged attack and killings claimed by the Governor did not occur.”
VIAFUC also accused the governor of “deliberate falsehood” capable of setting ablaze a fragile neighbourhood and of compromising the smooth running of election operations and of the safety of all involved in the elections.”
The Adara community, in a statement, also described the comment by the Kaduna State Government as “deliberate lies being manufactured against us as a people by the governor of Kaduna state, Malam Nasir el-Rufai.”
“The governor went ahead to list the number of villages that were attacked but deliberately excluded Ungwan Barde where our people were killed. He also gave the gender statistics of those allegedly killed and the tribe of the victims but again mischievously left out the 11 Adara people who were killed.”
On February 19, 2019, El-Rufai said that contrary to his initial claim that 66 Fulanis had been killed in Kajuru, that the actual number of Fulanis who were killed in Kujuru Local Government Area stood at 130.
Addressing State House correspondents after an emergency security meeting summoned by President Muhammadu Buhari a day before, at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, El-Rufai said: “Now, what we are hearing, the last report we got is that over 130 people were killed not even 66.
“I think that anybody that is still questioning whether these attacks took place or not is being grossly irresponsible. I think as the governor of the state, everyone knows me and my records of public service. I would not be irresponsible enough to stand before the media and say something has happened that has not happened. I don’t work based on telephone calls or rumours.
“As governor of the state, the first thing I receive every morning is a security briefing on what happens in the last 24 hours. That is the first thing I read and I ask questions and I work on the basis of security briefings from the experts, the garrison commander, the commissioner of police, the head of the air force. We have every security agency in Kaduna State and they send me briefings, including the Directorate of State Services (DSS). I work only on that basis.”
The governor said anybody that wanted to contradict his claim should have superior information “and it is impossible for you other than the president of the country to have superior information than I have about my state.”
According to him, there is a prevailing narrative in the nation’s media that only certain lives are more important than others.
“We see that clearly in the slant of reporting and the denial. The fact that you are still asking me these questions two days after we have proved all doubts of all those people claiming that this didn’t happen, show the truth in what I am saying. They first said I lied, that it didn’t happen, then they started saying, no, the numbers are not what they are.
“And now, what we are hearing, the last report we got is that, over 130 people were killed not even 66. And the Fulani leaders are providing the names of all these people, we have the list and we will release it to the press,” he said.
El-Rufai was joined during the press briefing by the governor of Adamawa State, Mohammed Bindo, his Borno State counterpart, Kashim Shettima, and the Special Adviser on Media and Publicity to the President, Femi Adesina.
He said the Fulani leaders had indicated willingness to provide the full list of those killed in the attack to the government.
El-Rufai said his government was ready to make public the pictures of the victims and footages of how the army had to be there to help bury the dead two days after they were killed because their bodies were decomposing.
He told reporters that during the meeting with President Buhari, he requested more military presence during the rescheduled election on February 23 and March 9 in the state.
“In Kaduna State, we requested enhanced military presence in particular locations that are affected by rural banditry, these are Birnin-Gwari and Giwa Angchukwu local government areas where there has been a history of either electoral violence or ethno-religious intolerance.”
According to El-Rufai, the state government had mapped out local arrangements with the garrison commander and the commissioner of police to ensure that every resident of Kaduna State will be free to vote in an atmosphere of peace and security, in the last elections.
The governor also explained that the previous day’s meeting between President Buhari and the heads of security agencies focused on the states that have higher than average security challenges. He said governors of four states of Yobe, Borno, Adamawa, and Kaduna were invited.
He said the northeast states were discussed because of the of Boko Haram insurgency, while Kaduna was invited because of the recent crisis affecting parts of the state.
Meanwhile, the Kaduna State Commissioner of Police, Ahmed Abdulrahman, said 11 suspects have been arrested in connection with the killings.
“We intended prosecuting those arrested today (Tuesday), but as I am talking to you now, we are making more arrests. While on the road coming here this morning, I had eight people arrested. As I am talking, we got additional three so, we have to go beyond the eight people and more facts are coming out as a result of intelligence that we are gathering.”
Although findings by Daily Trust which involved speaking to various stakeholders that included security agencies and survivors of the attacks revealed that the attack on the eight Fulani settlements took place and about 66 people or even more were murdered.
Same report also revealed that there were killings before that of 66 Fulanis. The Adara community said there was an attack on Ungwan Barde on Sunday 10 February 2019 by suspected Fulani gunmen where 11 people were killed.
Daily Trust investigations uncovered a series of violence in the Kajuru area, mostly between the Adara and Fulanis.
For instance, on Monday 11 February 2019, at about noon, security reported that there was a raid targeting a family at Sabon Tasha village in Kajuru LGA leading to the killing of four persons.
The attack, according to security reports obtained by Daily Trust, took place between 10 pm and 11 pm on the night of Sunday 10 February 2019. The assailants were said to be suspected bandits.
However, at about 5.30pm on the same Monday 11 February 2019, there was another report that a number of pastoralists were seen fleeing from villages around Iri and Maro and seeking refuge around Kasuwan Magani and Katul Crossing in Kachia Local government area, apparently due to the fear of reprisal attacks.
By the morning of Tuesday 12 February 2019, it was clear that several households of pastoralists were affected by violence. The matter was reported to security agencies. By noon of same day Tuesday 12 February, the military deployed its personnel to intervene. The soldiers mobilized to the affected areas and by evening, they rescued fleeing persons to safety and evacuated some wounded persons to receive medical attention.
From Wednesday 13 to Friday 15 February, military personnel combed up the affected villages and bushes in the general area around Iri, Maro and other settlements.
By this, it was correct to say that there were killings before the killing of 66 Fulanis. This is because there are precedents. As recent as 2018, a clash occurred between the Hausa community and the Adara youth at Kasuwan Magani where Adara youth were allegedly attacked, the Adara youth mobilized to get back at members of the community.
What governor El’Rufai deliberately concealed from the public was that there had been series of unprovoked attacks against the Adara people in Kajuru local government – preceding the killing of 66 Fulanis, which his government turned a blind eye to.
Why was El-Rufai slow to act when Adara people were being killed and swift to react; to send in the army to quell tension; to send in buses to evacuate Fulanis from the region and comb villagers’ homes for arms and ammunitions?
Does he not receive security briefings of Southern Kaduna people being killed by Fulani terrorists? Why has not a single Fulani been arrested and tried in connection with these killings?
When Fulanis are attacked, El-Rufai is ever ready to list the number of villages in which the attacks took place, he is ready to give gender statistics of those allegedly killed, he is ready to “request enhanced military presence” to protect Fulani lives and property, he is ready “to make public the pictures of the victims and footages of how the army had to be there to help bury the dead victims” but mysteriously goes MIA when Adara people are being killed and communities in Southern Kaduna are being attacked by his tribesmen.
For those wondering whether these mindless killings has a history, here’s an insight according to none other than Governor El-Rufai himself.
By Abiodun KOMOLAFE
The concepts of power, privilege and governance are complex and multifaceted. Power refers to the ability to influence others, while privilege denotes unearned advantages.
Governance encompasses institutions, structures and processes that regulate these dynamics. Together, these concepts raise fundamental questions about justice, equality and resource distribution.
It emphasizes the importance of considering marginalized groups’ experiences and perspectives. The main problem in Nigeria today is its political economy, which is rooted in rent-seeking and fosters a mindset that prioritizes patronage over production.
The country’s politics are characterized by a patron-client relationship, where everything revolves around government handouts rather than effective governance. This has led to a situation where “politics” in Nigeria is essentially a scramble for resources in a country with severely limited opportunities for self-improvement.
When French agronomist René Dumont wrote ‘False Starts in Africa’ in 1962, he inadvertently described Nigeria’s current state in 2025. Nigeria’s missteps have magnified themselves in the theatre of the absurd, such as the construction of a new vice presidential residence and Governor Chukwuemeka Soludo’s boasts about the lavish official residence for the governor of Anambra State, currently under construction.
It is to be noted in contradistinction that the newly sworn-in Prime Minister of Canada, Mark Carney, is looking for somewhere to live. The official residence of the prime minister, 24 Sussex Drive, the Canadian equivalent of 10 Downing Street, is in disrepair and uninhabitable. No Canadian government can dare ask the parliament to appropriate the $40m needed to refurbish the residence.
Canada’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) exceeds $2 trillion, while Nigeria’s GDP is less than $400 billion. Still, Nigeria claims to be a giant! With an electricity generation capacity of less than 6,000 megawatts, Nigeria’s proclamation seems absurd, especially when compared to cities like Johannesburg, Singapore, Hong Kong and Mumbai. Even Lagos State alone should be generating, transmitting and distributing at least 15,000 megawatts, which would be a basic expectation rather than an achievement.
Nigeria today needs a comprehensive overhaul of its governance crisis to build a new political economy and social services that are fit for purpose. Although the government is on the right path in some ways, a root-and-branch transformation is still necessary.
A notable breakthrough is the decision to recapitalize development finance institutions, such as the Bank of Industry and, crucially, the Bank of Agriculture. This move is significant in a rent-seeking state, as it addresses the need for long-term capital – a prerequisite for achieving meaningful progress.
The development finance institutions require annual recapitalization of at least N500 billion, ideally N1 trillion. Achieving this necessitates a thorough cost evaluation of the government’s machinery, starting with the full implementation of the Oronsaye Committee’s recommendations.
The resulting cost savings can then be redirected to development finance institutions and essential social services like primary healthcare. Furthermore, the government should be bolder, if it can afford to be so, especially since there’s no discernible opposition on offer At the moment, the Nigerian political establishment across the board appears to be enamored by the position put forward by the leader of the Russian revolution, Vladimir Lenin, after the failed putsch. Lenin wrote the classic, ‘What is to be done?’
His observation is that revolutions do not take place at times of grinding poverty. They do so during periods of relatively rising prosperity. Significant sections of the Nigerian establishment believe that relatively rising prosperity could trigger off social discontent.
In their own interest, they had better be right. The caveat is that Lenin wrote ‘What’s to be Done’ in 1905. The world has moved on and changed since the conditions that led to the failure of the attempted takeover of government in Russia in 1905. Therefore, the Nigerian political establishment, for reasons of self-preservation, had better put on its thinking cap. Addressing power and privilege in governance requires collective action, institutional reforms and a commitment to promoting social justice. Nigeria currently lacks a leadership recruitment process, which can only be established if political parties are willing to develop a cadre. Unfortunately, the country is dealing with Special Purpose Vehicles (SPVs) instead. It’s rare to find leadership in Nigeria operating political boot camps to recruit and groom youths for future leadership roles.
This might be why many young people have a misguided understanding of politics, viewing it as merely a means of sharing the nation’s commonwealth. Mhairi Black was elected to the British House of Commons at 20 years old.
However, the key point is that Black had started becoming involved in politics at a young age. By the time she was elected, she had already gained significant experience, effectively becoming a veteran in the field. In Nigeria, politics is often seen as one of the few avenues for self-fulfillment. However, the economy is stagnant, with few jobs created in the public sector and limited investment opportunities.
This is a far cry from the 1950s and 1960s, when political parties were more substantial. Today, it’s worth asking how many Nigerian political parties have functional Research Departments. Besides, what socialization into any philosophy or ideology do our politicians have? Similarly to former Governor Rotimi Amaechi, many of those who currently hold power are motivated to stay in politics due to concerns about economic stability.
Of course, that’s why the Lagos State House of Assembly has had to revert itself. It is the same challenge that has reduced the traditional institution to victims of Nigeria’s ever-changing political temperature. It is the reason an Ogbomoso indigene is not interested in what happened between Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola.
It is also the reason an Ijebuman sees an Ogbomoso man as his enemy without bothering to dig up the bitter politics that ultimately succeeded in putting the two families on the path of permanent acrimony. Of course, that’s why we have crises all over the place! May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419)
Byabiodun KOMOLAFE
Rivers State is now under emergency rule, and it’s likely to remain so for the next six months, unless a drastic change occurs.
If not managed carefully, this could mark the beginning of a prolonged crisis.
In situations like this, opinions tend to be divergent. For instance, some people hold the notion that the security situation and the need to protect the law and public order justified President Bola Tinubu’s proclamation of a state of emergency in, and the appointment of a sole administrator for Rivers State.
However, others view this act as ‘unconstitutional’, ‘reckless’, ‘an affront on democracy’, and ‘a political tool to intimidate the opposition’. When we criticize governments for unmet expectations, we often rely on our own perspectives and biases.
Our individual identities and prejudices shape our criticism. However, it’s essential to recognize that not all criticism is equal. Protesting within the law is fundamentally different from protests that descend into illegality. Once illegality creeps in, the legitimacy of the protest is lost.
As John Donne wrote in ‘Devotions Upon Emergent Occasions’, “Never send to know for whom the bell tolls.” A protest is legitimate when it aligns with societal norms, values and laws. But when protests are marred by violence or sabotage, they lose credibility. Without credibility, protests become ineffective.
Regarding the validity or otherwise of the emergency rule in Rivers State, it is imperative that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governors approach the Supreme Court immediately. They should seek a definitive clarification on whether the proclamation is ultra vires or constitutional.
For whatever it’s worth, they owe Nigerians that responsibility!May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
Abiodun KOMOLAFE,ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419 – SMS only.
Abba Dukawa
The political crisis began in December 2023, when Governor Fubara ordered the demolition of the state House of Assembly complex, which remains unrebuilt to this day. This act has effectively paralyzed the legislative arm, disrupting the state’s system of checks and balances.
The Supreme Court highlighted the severity of this situation on February 28, 2025, emphasizing the absence of a functional government in Rivers State and the executive’s role in collapsing the legislative arm, thereby creating a governance void
Additionally, recent reports indicate that militants have been vandalizing pipelines and issuing threats without any intervention from the state government, raising concerns about the state’s security and economic stability.Given Rivers State’s crucial role in the country’s economy, this situation necessitates urgent and cautious intervention from the federal government.Despite interventions from various stakeholders, including Tinubu himself, the crisis has persisted
.It’s worth noting that Tinubu is the third president to invoke Section 305 of the Constitution, after Ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo and Former President Goodluck Jonathan.
President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State has sparked intense debate about its necessity and potential motivations. During his nationwide speech, Tinubu warned that this decision could set off a chain of unpredictable events, potentially leading to radical ideologies and extremist tendencies.
Critics argue that Tinubu’s decision was unnecessary and politically motivated, particularly given his connection to Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, who is accused of being the “arrowhead” of the crisis. Some believe that Tinubu’s administration aims to remove Governor Fubara, perceived as hostile to the 2027 Tinubu/Wike project.Ultimately, the motivations behind Tinubu’s decision remain unclear, and its implications for Rivers State and Nigeria as a whole are yet to be fully seen.
Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has strongly opposed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State and his suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, and members of the Rivers State President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.House of Assembly. President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.
The NBA pointed to Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, which governs the procedure for declaring a state of emergency. While this section grants the President emergency powers, it does not allow for the removal or suspension of elected officials. The NBA stressed that the only constitutional method for removing a governor or deputy governor is through impeachment as outlined in Section 188.
Furthermore, the removal of lawmakers must adhere to electoral laws and constitutional provisions insisted that a state of emergency does not equate to an automatic dissolution of an elected government, and any attempt to do so is an overreach of executive power.
Also Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has strongly condemned President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State, calling it an “assault on democracy” that must be denounced in the strongest possible terms . Wazirin Adamawa argues that Tinubu’s administration is responsible for the chaos in Rivers State, either by enabling it or failing to prevent it. He emphasizes that the President should bear full responsibility for any compromise of federal infrastructure in the state, rather than punishing the people of Rivers State with a state of emergency.
Abubakar also accuses president Tinubu of being a partisan actor in the political turmoil in Rivers, and his refusal to prevent the escalation is seen as “disgraceful to the people of Rivers” The former Vice President believes that the destruction of national infrastructure in Rivers State is a direct result of the President’s failure to act, and punishing the people of Rivers State would be undemocratic.
In his statement, former vice president asserts that the declaration of a state of emergency “reeks of political manipulation and outright bad faith. He urges that the people of Rivers State should not be punished for the political gamesmanship between the governor and Tinubu’s enablers in the federal government. Other analyst believes that the situation in Rivers State, though politically tense, does not meet the constitutional threshold for the removal of elected officials.
For a state of emergency to be declared, Section 305(3) of the Constitution outlines specific conditions, including:
1. War or external aggression against Nigeria. Imminent danger of invasion or war. A breakdown of public order and safety to such an extent that ordinary legal measures are insufficient.
Other reasons for such decisions to be enforced are clear danger to Nigeria’s existence and Occurrence of any disaster or natural calamity affecting a state or a part of it. Where public danger constitutes a threat to the Federation.
Since the state of the emergency in Rivers state has been promulgation, political watchers questions whether the political crisis in Rivers State has reached the level of a complete breakdown of law that has warranting the removal of the Governor and his administration. Political disagreements, legislative conflicts, or executive-legislative tensions do not constitute a justification for emergency rule.
Had been the president remain filmed Such conflicts should have been resolved through legal and constitutional mechanisms, including the judiciary, rather than executive fiat.
A state of emergency is an extraordinary measure that must be invoked strictly within constitutional limits. The removal of elected officials under the pretext of emergency rule is unconstitutional and unacceptable.Tinubu’s administration decision to declare a state of emergency has been met with mixed reactions. Some argue that it was necessary to restore sanity to the state and ensure the country’s stability. Others,, believe that it was an unnecessary decision that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Was declaration for Rivers state is necessary or political motivation? President Bola Amed Tinubu is fully aware that the declaration of State of Emergency in a prevalent democratic system is not the solution to the self-inflicted crisis bedeviling the State.
What Tinubu needed most was to call Wike, his Minister of FCT, to order. The former governor Wike is the arrowhead of the crisis bedeviling the State.
Now what the president Tinubu decision for the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State was an unnecessary decision” that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Other views whether president decisions of keeping his ally, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, is worth jeopardizing Nigeria’s economy.The keen watcher of events regarded the decision as a display of unpardonable mediocrity and diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027.
Tinubu administration wants to use the excuse of the political instability and other security challenges in Rivers to remove Governor FUBURA from the POWER considered hostile to the minister of the Federal Capital Territory or TInubu/Wiki diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027 election.
During his speeches Mr. President, blaming only the state governor and House of Assembly for the crisis in Rivers State is like expecting one iron to make a loud sound – it’s unrealistic and ignores the roles of others, including the former governor and a cabinet member in your administration.
Let us not forget; The situation in Rivers state is indeed complex, with President Tinubu’s intervention aiming to restore order, but also raising important questions about the balance between federal intervention and state autonomy. Invoking a state of emergency to suspend elected officials is a drastic measure that may set a worrying precedent, especially if not handled carefully.
The appointment of a retired military officer as the state’s administrator also raises concerns about the militarization of a democratic government. This move may be perceived as an attempt to exert federal control over the state, rather than allowing democratic processes to unfold, the initial six-month period of emergency rule, with provisions for extension, could lead to prolonged federal control. This is why it’s essential to establish clear timelines and measurable objectives to ensure a timely return to democratic governance.
Some of the key concerns that need to be addressed include: The potential for abuse of power*: The suspension of elected officials and the appointment of a military administrator could be seen as an attempt to consolidate federal power.
– *The impact on democratic institutions*: The emergency rule could undermine the democratic institutions in Rivers state and set a precedent for future interventions.
– *The need for transparency and accountability*: The federal government must ensure that the emergency rule is transparent, accountable, and subject to regular review. Ultimately, finding a balance between restoring order and respecting democratic institutions is crucial. The federal government must tread carefully to avoid exacerbating the situation and ensure a peaceful resolution.
Dukawa public affairs commentator and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com
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