Opinion
On Senator Bulkachuwa’s ‘Confession’
By Olusegun Adeniyi
At the valedictory session of the 9th Senate last Saturday, a ‘Most distinguished’ (as they address themselves) told his colleagues that many owe their stay in the green chambers to the ‘benevolence’ of his wife, a retired judicial officer. Despite the best efforts of the (now former) Senate President Ahmad Lawan to apply the ‘off the mic’ principle to gag the father-confessor, the damage to the reputation of the Nigerian judiciary was already done.
Senator Bulkachuwa started by drawing his colleagues’ attention to the fact that his wife, Zainab Bulkachuwa, who retired three years ago as president of the court of appeal, had been very supportive of them. Given that she presided over several election tribunal cases while in office, questions are now being raised about whether a few of the judgments were ‘arranged’ by her senator-husband. For the benefit of readers who may not have watched the proceedings, here is what transpired. “Mr. President, at my age I don’t think I will lobby anybody under the sun. I will do the right thing, and I always do the right thing and sincerely and honestly too. So, I (can) look at faces in this chamber, who have helped me and sought for my help when my wife was the president of the court of appeal…”
Evidently uncomfortable with the direction Bulkachuwa was going, the senate president interjected, “I think I will advise that you just round up and take your seat…this kind of insinuation will mean that there was favour and the rest of it. I don’t think it is a good idea.” If the 83-year-old senator understood the admonition of the senate president, he ignored it as he merely doubled down on his claim. “Well, Mr Chairman, I must say that (it is) okay to round up, since that is what you want me to do. I will do that and must thank, particularly my wife whose freedom and independence I encroached upon while she was in office; and she had been very tolerant and accepted my encroachment and extended her help to my colleagues.” The senate president interjected again and this time, more firmly: “Please, I don’t think it is a good idea going in this direction. It is not a good idea.”
Even before the Freudian Slip by Bulkachuwa, Nigerians already knew we have a challenge in the judiciary. Only a few months ago, the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Olukayode Ariwoola, complained about the workload of the Supreme Court, seeking an amendment to the 1999 Constitution so that certain cases could terminate at the appellate court. But he was challenged by Mr Joseph Daudu, SAN, a former president of the Nigeria Bar Association (NBA). “Let any one table the Bill to amend the Constitution seeking the deletion of interlocutory appeals and we will tell the entire Nigeria why in reality there are excruciating delays in the Justice delivery system,” Daudu vowed. One of the reasons he cited is “over concentration of the judicial docket on political and electoral cases as if the entire justice sector and judiciary was created for the benefit of politicians.”
In my January 2018 piece, ‘When Judges Imperil Democracy’, I bemoaned a situation in which “our politicians are no longer content with hiring Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs), they also have their own judges.” That sadly is what was imputed on the floor of the Senate by Bulkachuwa. But then, it is no secret that the only cases that many of our Judges are interested in are those that border on elections and related matters. Because they are deemed ‘juicy’. Meanwhile, many other serious cases suffer from neglect and needless adjournment.
I therefore align myself with the sentiment expressed by Mr Olisa Agbakoba, SAN, also a former NBA president. “Senator Bulkachuwa’s statement at the valedictory of the 9th senate is a monumental disgrace for our institutions. This man deserves to be taken up immediately by the authorities. It is a blight on my confidence in our systems,” said Agbakoba, who added that he had represented a senatorial candidate in the election that brought Bulkachuwa to represent Bauchi North in the 9th Senate. “We lost in three courts. Senator Bulkachuwa seems to suggest why.”
Nigerians can remember the initial attempt at the beginning of President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration to tackle money related corruption among judges. The homes of some were broken into at night and searched, bank accounts were frozen, and dirty money trails were reportedly uncovered. A few were arraigned in court. After the government supposedly fighting corruption became muddled in its own internal contradictions, the entire idea collapsed. The ‘gra gra’ ended. The chase was abandoned. And Judges and politicians soon found compromise. Then, all went quiet.
Unfortunately, the moral crisis associated with corruption among judges is one reason why the refrain ‘Go to court’ has today become a cruel joke in the country. Most ordinary Nigerians have come to expect only judgments rather than justice from our courts. But with what Bulkachuwa said in the hollow chambers of the senate, it should worry all of us that some of our judges have earned a reputation as wheeler-dealers of a tainted citadel of justice!
Ganduje Versus Kwankwaso
The political battle between the immediate past Kano State Governor, Abdullahi Ganduje and the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) presidential candidate in the 2023 polls, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso is getting out of hand. Fielding questions from State House correspondents last weekend, Ganduje threw caution to the wind: “I know he (Kwankwaso) is in the building, but we have not met. Probably if we met, maybe I could have slapped him.” Kwankwaso has since responded: “I heard that he (Ganduje) said he would have slapped me, but I’m here. He was in a confused state when he said that. These are my political boys (and) if they see me, they lower their gaze.”
My brother, Mahmud Jega has weighed in with the argument that a leaner, younger, and obviously fitter Kwankwaso would probably be more dangerous in any physical bout between the two men. But then, Jega also forgot that Ganduje spent years at the University of Ibadan where he got his doctorate degree in Public Administration and may have picked one or two tricks in street fighting from that city-village. On a more serious note, the war of attrition between Kwankwaso and Ganduje speaks to the fickle nature of the relationships between politicians in Nigeria. It is also reflected in the service they deliver to the public. If loyalty and trust mean nothing in their personal life, then we are all forfeits when they manage our expectations. That exactly is what is happening today in Nigeria.
The relationship between Kwankwaso and Ganduje dates to 1992 when the former was Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives under the transition to civil rule programme of General Ibrahim Babangida and the latter was a civil servant with the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) ministry in Abuja. When in 1999 Kwankwaso secured the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) gubernatorial ticket for Kano, he picked Ganduje as his running mate. Having won the election, they both served the first term but were defeated in 2003. Appointed Minister of Defence by President Olusegun Obasanjo, Kwankwaso made Ganduje his SA until 2006 when he resigned. In 2007, the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua appointed Kwankwaso to the board of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) while Ganduje was appointed as the Executive Secretary of the Lake Chad Development Commission. When he ran again for the Kano governorship in 2011, Kwankwaso also picked Ganduje as his running mate. And when leaving office in 2015, he anointed his deputy as successor. But Less than a year into Ganduje’s term, crises between them began.
That Kwankwaso was the one at the Villa to report the action taken by the new administration in Kano to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu only buttresses Ganduje’s point that the governor is a ‘stooge’. But how the two of them resolve their personal problems is of no concern to me. I just hope that they do not set Kano State ablaze.
Trouble on the Homefront
On Tuesday, there was drama at the swearing in ceremony of the new House of Representatives Speaker, Hon Tajudeen Abbas. The speaker apparently forgot ‘the order of precedence’ at home and his first wife would not have that. So, she chose to displace the second wife in the public glare. In Zamfara State, a ‘civil war’ is also brewing between defeated Governor Bello Matawalle and his successor, Dauda Lawal-Dare. The problem began when the new administration asked Matawalle to return government vehicles he allegedly took away. The number was put at 17. At the end, the government harvested more than 40 vehicles from the residence of the former governor. But for Matawalle, the vehicles are not the real issue. “The saddest thing is that, in my Gusau house, all my wives’ rooms were broken, even hijabs have been taken away. Stoves were all put in a car and taken away,” Matawalle wailed and who would not feel for him? With the stoves now carted away, how will his wives cook? “This is robbery, they entered everywhere in my houses, even my daughter’s wedding clothing materials (Kayan Lefe) were not spared.”
While President Tinubu should help Matawalle retrieve his wife’s hijabs from Governor Lawal-dare, it may also be important to pay attention to the trouble that seems to be brewing in the military. No, it is not what some people think! On 28th May, a day before she ‘handed over’, former First Lady, Mrs Aisha Buhari chaired the public presentation of a book written by the president of the Defence and Police Officers’ Wives Association (DEPOWA), Mrs Vickie Anwuli Irabor. Titled ‘The Journey of a Military Wife’, the author Is the wife of the Chief of Defence Staff, General Lucky Irabor. Now, why is this important?
Last week, I found myself among a group of retired senior military officers, some of them General Irabor’s course mates. They were angry that his wife did not portray them well in her book. That elicited my curiosity. On Monday, I got the book. Although poorly produced and certainly could have been better edited (assuming it went through any such process), the book contains much relevant information about the military that researchers will find useful. The story of how she met her husband, the marriage and his military career are also interesting. So, I find it a good book in terms of contents. But I also discerned what riled the retired Generals.
According to Mrs. Irabor, most retired military officers exhibit certain behavioural traits after their tour of duty, and she warned their wives to be fully prepared: “Furthermore, since the tension and absenteeism which the job brought to the family is gone, nights would be free so military wives must prepare!” (emphasis’ hers). And then the punchline: “While this may sound like a joke, some retired military wives during an interview revealed that the sex life of retired officers got to another level because the military job and its tension is no more there, so all they do is sex!” (Again, emphasis’ hers).
While I plead with the retired Generals to see the lighter side of the ‘revelation’, I also hope Mrs Irabor is ready for a serious ‘indoor game’ once her husband retires.
By Abiodun KOMOLAFE
The concepts of power, privilege and governance are complex and multifaceted. Power refers to the ability to influence others, while privilege denotes unearned advantages.
Governance encompasses institutions, structures and processes that regulate these dynamics. Together, these concepts raise fundamental questions about justice, equality and resource distribution.
It emphasizes the importance of considering marginalized groups’ experiences and perspectives. The main problem in Nigeria today is its political economy, which is rooted in rent-seeking and fosters a mindset that prioritizes patronage over production.
The country’s politics are characterized by a patron-client relationship, where everything revolves around government handouts rather than effective governance. This has led to a situation where “politics” in Nigeria is essentially a scramble for resources in a country with severely limited opportunities for self-improvement.
When French agronomist René Dumont wrote ‘False Starts in Africa’ in 1962, he inadvertently described Nigeria’s current state in 2025. Nigeria’s missteps have magnified themselves in the theatre of the absurd, such as the construction of a new vice presidential residence and Governor Chukwuemeka Soludo’s boasts about the lavish official residence for the governor of Anambra State, currently under construction.
It is to be noted in contradistinction that the newly sworn-in Prime Minister of Canada, Mark Carney, is looking for somewhere to live. The official residence of the prime minister, 24 Sussex Drive, the Canadian equivalent of 10 Downing Street, is in disrepair and uninhabitable. No Canadian government can dare ask the parliament to appropriate the $40m needed to refurbish the residence.
Canada’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) exceeds $2 trillion, while Nigeria’s GDP is less than $400 billion. Still, Nigeria claims to be a giant! With an electricity generation capacity of less than 6,000 megawatts, Nigeria’s proclamation seems absurd, especially when compared to cities like Johannesburg, Singapore, Hong Kong and Mumbai. Even Lagos State alone should be generating, transmitting and distributing at least 15,000 megawatts, which would be a basic expectation rather than an achievement.
Nigeria today needs a comprehensive overhaul of its governance crisis to build a new political economy and social services that are fit for purpose. Although the government is on the right path in some ways, a root-and-branch transformation is still necessary.
A notable breakthrough is the decision to recapitalize development finance institutions, such as the Bank of Industry and, crucially, the Bank of Agriculture. This move is significant in a rent-seeking state, as it addresses the need for long-term capital – a prerequisite for achieving meaningful progress.
The development finance institutions require annual recapitalization of at least N500 billion, ideally N1 trillion. Achieving this necessitates a thorough cost evaluation of the government’s machinery, starting with the full implementation of the Oronsaye Committee’s recommendations.
The resulting cost savings can then be redirected to development finance institutions and essential social services like primary healthcare. Furthermore, the government should be bolder, if it can afford to be so, especially since there’s no discernible opposition on offer At the moment, the Nigerian political establishment across the board appears to be enamored by the position put forward by the leader of the Russian revolution, Vladimir Lenin, after the failed putsch. Lenin wrote the classic, ‘What is to be done?’
His observation is that revolutions do not take place at times of grinding poverty. They do so during periods of relatively rising prosperity. Significant sections of the Nigerian establishment believe that relatively rising prosperity could trigger off social discontent.
In their own interest, they had better be right. The caveat is that Lenin wrote ‘What’s to be Done’ in 1905. The world has moved on and changed since the conditions that led to the failure of the attempted takeover of government in Russia in 1905. Therefore, the Nigerian political establishment, for reasons of self-preservation, had better put on its thinking cap. Addressing power and privilege in governance requires collective action, institutional reforms and a commitment to promoting social justice. Nigeria currently lacks a leadership recruitment process, which can only be established if political parties are willing to develop a cadre. Unfortunately, the country is dealing with Special Purpose Vehicles (SPVs) instead. It’s rare to find leadership in Nigeria operating political boot camps to recruit and groom youths for future leadership roles.
This might be why many young people have a misguided understanding of politics, viewing it as merely a means of sharing the nation’s commonwealth. Mhairi Black was elected to the British House of Commons at 20 years old.
However, the key point is that Black had started becoming involved in politics at a young age. By the time she was elected, she had already gained significant experience, effectively becoming a veteran in the field. In Nigeria, politics is often seen as one of the few avenues for self-fulfillment. However, the economy is stagnant, with few jobs created in the public sector and limited investment opportunities.
This is a far cry from the 1950s and 1960s, when political parties were more substantial. Today, it’s worth asking how many Nigerian political parties have functional Research Departments. Besides, what socialization into any philosophy or ideology do our politicians have? Similarly to former Governor Rotimi Amaechi, many of those who currently hold power are motivated to stay in politics due to concerns about economic stability.
Of course, that’s why the Lagos State House of Assembly has had to revert itself. It is the same challenge that has reduced the traditional institution to victims of Nigeria’s ever-changing political temperature. It is the reason an Ogbomoso indigene is not interested in what happened between Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola.
It is also the reason an Ijebuman sees an Ogbomoso man as his enemy without bothering to dig up the bitter politics that ultimately succeeded in putting the two families on the path of permanent acrimony. Of course, that’s why we have crises all over the place! May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419)
Byabiodun KOMOLAFE
Rivers State is now under emergency rule, and it’s likely to remain so for the next six months, unless a drastic change occurs.
If not managed carefully, this could mark the beginning of a prolonged crisis.
In situations like this, opinions tend to be divergent. For instance, some people hold the notion that the security situation and the need to protect the law and public order justified President Bola Tinubu’s proclamation of a state of emergency in, and the appointment of a sole administrator for Rivers State.
However, others view this act as ‘unconstitutional’, ‘reckless’, ‘an affront on democracy’, and ‘a political tool to intimidate the opposition’. When we criticize governments for unmet expectations, we often rely on our own perspectives and biases.
Our individual identities and prejudices shape our criticism. However, it’s essential to recognize that not all criticism is equal. Protesting within the law is fundamentally different from protests that descend into illegality. Once illegality creeps in, the legitimacy of the protest is lost.
As John Donne wrote in ‘Devotions Upon Emergent Occasions’, “Never send to know for whom the bell tolls.” A protest is legitimate when it aligns with societal norms, values and laws. But when protests are marred by violence or sabotage, they lose credibility. Without credibility, protests become ineffective.
Regarding the validity or otherwise of the emergency rule in Rivers State, it is imperative that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governors approach the Supreme Court immediately. They should seek a definitive clarification on whether the proclamation is ultra vires or constitutional.
For whatever it’s worth, they owe Nigerians that responsibility!May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
Abiodun KOMOLAFE,ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419 – SMS only.
Abba Dukawa
The political crisis began in December 2023, when Governor Fubara ordered the demolition of the state House of Assembly complex, which remains unrebuilt to this day. This act has effectively paralyzed the legislative arm, disrupting the state’s system of checks and balances.
The Supreme Court highlighted the severity of this situation on February 28, 2025, emphasizing the absence of a functional government in Rivers State and the executive’s role in collapsing the legislative arm, thereby creating a governance void
Additionally, recent reports indicate that militants have been vandalizing pipelines and issuing threats without any intervention from the state government, raising concerns about the state’s security and economic stability.Given Rivers State’s crucial role in the country’s economy, this situation necessitates urgent and cautious intervention from the federal government.Despite interventions from various stakeholders, including Tinubu himself, the crisis has persisted
.It’s worth noting that Tinubu is the third president to invoke Section 305 of the Constitution, after Ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo and Former President Goodluck Jonathan.
President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State has sparked intense debate about its necessity and potential motivations. During his nationwide speech, Tinubu warned that this decision could set off a chain of unpredictable events, potentially leading to radical ideologies and extremist tendencies.
Critics argue that Tinubu’s decision was unnecessary and politically motivated, particularly given his connection to Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, who is accused of being the “arrowhead” of the crisis. Some believe that Tinubu’s administration aims to remove Governor Fubara, perceived as hostile to the 2027 Tinubu/Wike project.Ultimately, the motivations behind Tinubu’s decision remain unclear, and its implications for Rivers State and Nigeria as a whole are yet to be fully seen.
Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has strongly opposed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State and his suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, and members of the Rivers State President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.House of Assembly. President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.
The NBA pointed to Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, which governs the procedure for declaring a state of emergency. While this section grants the President emergency powers, it does not allow for the removal or suspension of elected officials. The NBA stressed that the only constitutional method for removing a governor or deputy governor is through impeachment as outlined in Section 188.
Furthermore, the removal of lawmakers must adhere to electoral laws and constitutional provisions insisted that a state of emergency does not equate to an automatic dissolution of an elected government, and any attempt to do so is an overreach of executive power.
Also Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has strongly condemned President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State, calling it an “assault on democracy” that must be denounced in the strongest possible terms . Wazirin Adamawa argues that Tinubu’s administration is responsible for the chaos in Rivers State, either by enabling it or failing to prevent it. He emphasizes that the President should bear full responsibility for any compromise of federal infrastructure in the state, rather than punishing the people of Rivers State with a state of emergency.
Abubakar also accuses president Tinubu of being a partisan actor in the political turmoil in Rivers, and his refusal to prevent the escalation is seen as “disgraceful to the people of Rivers” The former Vice President believes that the destruction of national infrastructure in Rivers State is a direct result of the President’s failure to act, and punishing the people of Rivers State would be undemocratic.
In his statement, former vice president asserts that the declaration of a state of emergency “reeks of political manipulation and outright bad faith. He urges that the people of Rivers State should not be punished for the political gamesmanship between the governor and Tinubu’s enablers in the federal government. Other analyst believes that the situation in Rivers State, though politically tense, does not meet the constitutional threshold for the removal of elected officials.
For a state of emergency to be declared, Section 305(3) of the Constitution outlines specific conditions, including:
1. War or external aggression against Nigeria. Imminent danger of invasion or war. A breakdown of public order and safety to such an extent that ordinary legal measures are insufficient.
Other reasons for such decisions to be enforced are clear danger to Nigeria’s existence and Occurrence of any disaster or natural calamity affecting a state or a part of it. Where public danger constitutes a threat to the Federation.
Since the state of the emergency in Rivers state has been promulgation, political watchers questions whether the political crisis in Rivers State has reached the level of a complete breakdown of law that has warranting the removal of the Governor and his administration. Political disagreements, legislative conflicts, or executive-legislative tensions do not constitute a justification for emergency rule.
Had been the president remain filmed Such conflicts should have been resolved through legal and constitutional mechanisms, including the judiciary, rather than executive fiat.
A state of emergency is an extraordinary measure that must be invoked strictly within constitutional limits. The removal of elected officials under the pretext of emergency rule is unconstitutional and unacceptable.Tinubu’s administration decision to declare a state of emergency has been met with mixed reactions. Some argue that it was necessary to restore sanity to the state and ensure the country’s stability. Others,, believe that it was an unnecessary decision that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Was declaration for Rivers state is necessary or political motivation? President Bola Amed Tinubu is fully aware that the declaration of State of Emergency in a prevalent democratic system is not the solution to the self-inflicted crisis bedeviling the State.
What Tinubu needed most was to call Wike, his Minister of FCT, to order. The former governor Wike is the arrowhead of the crisis bedeviling the State.
Now what the president Tinubu decision for the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State was an unnecessary decision” that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Other views whether president decisions of keeping his ally, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, is worth jeopardizing Nigeria’s economy.The keen watcher of events regarded the decision as a display of unpardonable mediocrity and diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027.
Tinubu administration wants to use the excuse of the political instability and other security challenges in Rivers to remove Governor FUBURA from the POWER considered hostile to the minister of the Federal Capital Territory or TInubu/Wiki diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027 election.
During his speeches Mr. President, blaming only the state governor and House of Assembly for the crisis in Rivers State is like expecting one iron to make a loud sound – it’s unrealistic and ignores the roles of others, including the former governor and a cabinet member in your administration.
Let us not forget; The situation in Rivers state is indeed complex, with President Tinubu’s intervention aiming to restore order, but also raising important questions about the balance between federal intervention and state autonomy. Invoking a state of emergency to suspend elected officials is a drastic measure that may set a worrying precedent, especially if not handled carefully.
The appointment of a retired military officer as the state’s administrator also raises concerns about the militarization of a democratic government. This move may be perceived as an attempt to exert federal control over the state, rather than allowing democratic processes to unfold, the initial six-month period of emergency rule, with provisions for extension, could lead to prolonged federal control. This is why it’s essential to establish clear timelines and measurable objectives to ensure a timely return to democratic governance.
Some of the key concerns that need to be addressed include: The potential for abuse of power*: The suspension of elected officials and the appointment of a military administrator could be seen as an attempt to consolidate federal power.
– *The impact on democratic institutions*: The emergency rule could undermine the democratic institutions in Rivers state and set a precedent for future interventions.
– *The need for transparency and accountability*: The federal government must ensure that the emergency rule is transparent, accountable, and subject to regular review. Ultimately, finding a balance between restoring order and respecting democratic institutions is crucial. The federal government must tread carefully to avoid exacerbating the situation and ensure a peaceful resolution.
Dukawa public affairs commentator and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com
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