Opinion
Nigeria at 60: Nation of woes and ‘The Shehu Sani’s elusive solution’

Few days from now, Nigeria will be celebrating her 60 years of independence. Any rational right thinking citizen who was of age on 1st October, 1960 that witnessed the handing over of the territory called Nigeria to the indigenous leaders would have envisaged a prosperous nation; a nation devoid of ethnic, religious and cultural differences, but unity and faith for a greater Nigeria that was ready to champion African leadership.

Six decades after, it’s being leadership tragedy. Nigeria and her people have not had the best of times. To say that it’s better for the colonial masters to continue their hold on the leadership of the nation wouldn’t be out of context, if the current social malaise are anything to go by.

Even the federalism and democratic system of governance being practised has been left suffocating with the citizens, particularly the downtrodden at the receiving end. The context and philosophy of democracy, “government of the people by the people and for the people”, is a mere theory that doesn’t have its substance in Nigeria’s brand of democracy.
Since 1999 when the nation returned to democractic governance, there have been nothing about civilian administration that proved a vantage point above military interregnum in politics. Unfortunately, therefore, politics which should have been a platform for credible leadership has been highjacked by crooks; those who are bereft of leadership ideas and unfortunately, some religious and tribal irredentists who initially pretended to be on the side of the masses only to cause irredeemable and collateral damages Nigeria is witnessing in the 21st century.
Flipping through this piece, one wonders, why ‘the Shehu Sani solution?’
Comrade Senator Shehu Sani, a civil rights activist and President of Civil Rights Congress of Nigeria is that Nigerian who has been crusading for egalitarian society. His passion and patriotism for a Nigeria where there are equal rights for citizens irrespective of religion and tribe has unarguably brought him into direct confrontation with governments of the day on several occasions.
Truly, different people are wired to do things differently, but Shehu Sani’s advocacy for Civil rights and respect for the rule of law has been unequalled in a society where majority of people sold their consciences for political favours.
Talking about Nigeria’s chequered history in the last 60 years with travesty of governance where politicians are building fiefdoms at the expense of the commoners, Senator Shehu Sani who represented Kaduna Central Senatorial district in the eight National Assembly and former Chairman of Senate Committee on Foreign and Local Debts would be the saddest person. What is in vogue, albeit what the ruling party is celebrating as dividends of democracy is nothing, but mediocrity in the real sense of it.
Juxtaposing pre-colonial and neo-colonial era in terms of infrastructure and human welfare vis-a-vis a just and free society, which is the crux of civil rights focus that Shehu Sani has advocated for decades, was unfortunately have been the squeezing and deliberate move by the elite to maintain a vacuo between the bourgeois and the prolectrate. A situation that drives the interest of the privilege in the society against the commoners.
While in the 8th Senate, Shehu Sani who got to the Senate on the platform of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2015 was one of the best lawmakers who’s contribution during plenary was that of a patriotic Nigerian rather than a party man. He has always been detailed in his presentation. He has grasp of art and science of lawmaking, though, a first timer to the Senate, Shehu Sani’s insistence on good governance for Nigerians, saw him challenging ills and anachronistic actions of APC government at the time.
A man who wouldn’t pretend about his feelings, he once stopped Kaduna State from accessing World Bank loan as Chairman of Foreign and Local Debts in the 8th Senate, when it was not necessary for Kaduna State government to access the loan. Though, his stance was misinterpreted by his critics and political traducers who lay in wait to take pound of flesh politically, being who he is, he stopped the loan.
The eight Senate was highly dependent on the cerebral firepower of the likes of Shehu Sani and others to drive the legislative agenda of the Upper Chamber which was sometimes considered an opposition to the executive arm of Government.
One recalls, his debate on the bills creating “Northeast Development Commission (NEDC)”, which today has become operational. Sani at the time insisted that a Commission be established with a mandate to reconstruct wreaks and havocs occasioned by the Boko Haram attacks.
Always taking to the part of risks, which he had always been known for, he chaired an “ad-hoc Committee on “Mounting Humanitarian Crisis in Northeast”, that investigated alleged “grass-cutting contract scandal to the tune of N200 million”, involving the erstwhile Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Mr Babachir Lawal. Though, the executive arm of Government tried to play the ostrich initially vide a letter, President Muhammadu Buhari personally wrote to the Senate President, Dr. Bukola Saraki, Babachir was later eased out of office upon conviction of Senator Sani’s led Ad-hoc Committee report which recommended the suspension of SGF from office.
It was no surprise that he was bullied out of the All Progressives Congress when he bidded for a return to the Senate. But in saner climes, if a political party should lose the person of Comrade Shehu Sani’s standing, and the party bigwigs and stakeholders are undeterred, then something is wrong with the system and the people. One could say, dearth of men of quality and tested characters are the reasons for Nigeria’s backwardness.
The insecurity in Nigeria is damning by the day with the global rating of Nigeria as the 3rd most terrorists nations of the world. Security or insecurity of any nation, the world over, is a summation of what the government in power was actually doing. In combating terrorism, banditry and kidnapping, the ruling All Progressives Congress has more questions than answers. Where are the likes of Senator Shehu Sani who may have genuine solutions to the challenges bedeviling the country? For now, the solutions are elusive!
Kaduna State, basically could be said to be a micro Nigeria, given its historical State that was headquarters to native authorities. Most personalities who have made indelible marks in the history of Nigeria have either lived in Kaduna or schooled in the state. Back then, Kaduna was home to all, loved by all before the fall of industry and industrialisation that saw Kaduna State a ghost of itself as well as other states due to questionable leadership of the country.
The narrative of Kaduna State today is horrific. Things have suddenly changed for the worst. Killings and the unprecedented arson going on in Southern Kaduna Senatorial district, though, under reported is reminiscent of ‘Somalia’, with no hindsight of solutions. The trajectory of crisis in Southern Kaduna is a manifestation of the lack of leadership. To state the obvious, if Shehu Sani was to be the governor of Kaduna State, would the crisis have lingered this long? If he had been saddled with executive powers, as it were, would he have made inflammatory statements in obvious provocation of a section in the feud? Would Shehu Sani have engaged in financial inducement of criminals for them to be better equipped to attack the vulnerable communities? These questions and others are left in the public domain for further analysis.
Shehu Sani is the only Senator among the 109 them in the Bukola Saraki led 8th Senate, dead or alive; in government and out of government that still keep a line of communication with me as a correspondent that covers the Nigerian Senate and so, it’s easier to have a perspective of him as a man who is on the side of the masses. Perhaps, the only four years he spent between 2015 and 2019 was grossly inadequate a time that Kaduna people has benefitted from what he has to offer.
It’s therefore incumbent on the people, particularly the younger generation who yearns for genuine political leadership to scout for Senator Shehu Sani once again. In essence, like Shehu Sani, like many other patriotic Nigerians elsewhere, if solutions to the nation’s daunting challenges were not coming from the leaders, the led should generate their own solutions, else, for another 60 years, Nigeria will still remain where it is.
Samson Atekojo Usman is a journalist and based in Abuja.

Opinion
Power, privilege and governance

By Abiodun KOMOLAFE

The concepts of power, privilege and governance are complex and multifaceted. Power refers to the ability to influence others, while privilege denotes unearned advantages.

Governance encompasses institutions, structures and processes that regulate these dynamics. Together, these concepts raise fundamental questions about justice, equality and resource distribution.
It emphasizes the importance of considering marginalized groups’ experiences and perspectives. The main problem in Nigeria today is its political economy, which is rooted in rent-seeking and fosters a mindset that prioritizes patronage over production.
The country’s politics are characterized by a patron-client relationship, where everything revolves around government handouts rather than effective governance. This has led to a situation where “politics” in Nigeria is essentially a scramble for resources in a country with severely limited opportunities for self-improvement.
When French agronomist René Dumont wrote ‘False Starts in Africa’ in 1962, he inadvertently described Nigeria’s current state in 2025. Nigeria’s missteps have magnified themselves in the theatre of the absurd, such as the construction of a new vice presidential residence and Governor Chukwuemeka Soludo’s boasts about the lavish official residence for the governor of Anambra State, currently under construction.
It is to be noted in contradistinction that the newly sworn-in Prime Minister of Canada, Mark Carney, is looking for somewhere to live. The official residence of the prime minister, 24 Sussex Drive, the Canadian equivalent of 10 Downing Street, is in disrepair and uninhabitable. No Canadian government can dare ask the parliament to appropriate the $40m needed to refurbish the residence.
Canada’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) exceeds $2 trillion, while Nigeria’s GDP is less than $400 billion. Still, Nigeria claims to be a giant! With an electricity generation capacity of less than 6,000 megawatts, Nigeria’s proclamation seems absurd, especially when compared to cities like Johannesburg, Singapore, Hong Kong and Mumbai. Even Lagos State alone should be generating, transmitting and distributing at least 15,000 megawatts, which would be a basic expectation rather than an achievement.
Nigeria today needs a comprehensive overhaul of its governance crisis to build a new political economy and social services that are fit for purpose. Although the government is on the right path in some ways, a root-and-branch transformation is still necessary.
A notable breakthrough is the decision to recapitalize development finance institutions, such as the Bank of Industry and, crucially, the Bank of Agriculture. This move is significant in a rent-seeking state, as it addresses the need for long-term capital – a prerequisite for achieving meaningful progress.
The development finance institutions require annual recapitalization of at least N500 billion, ideally N1 trillion. Achieving this necessitates a thorough cost evaluation of the government’s machinery, starting with the full implementation of the Oronsaye Committee’s recommendations.
The resulting cost savings can then be redirected to development finance institutions and essential social services like primary healthcare. Furthermore, the government should be bolder, if it can afford to be so, especially since there’s no discernible opposition on offer At the moment, the Nigerian political establishment across the board appears to be enamored by the position put forward by the leader of the Russian revolution, Vladimir Lenin, after the failed putsch. Lenin wrote the classic, ‘What is to be done?’
His observation is that revolutions do not take place at times of grinding poverty. They do so during periods of relatively rising prosperity. Significant sections of the Nigerian establishment believe that relatively rising prosperity could trigger off social discontent.
In their own interest, they had better be right. The caveat is that Lenin wrote ‘What’s to be Done’ in 1905. The world has moved on and changed since the conditions that led to the failure of the attempted takeover of government in Russia in 1905. Therefore, the Nigerian political establishment, for reasons of self-preservation, had better put on its thinking cap. Addressing power and privilege in governance requires collective action, institutional reforms and a commitment to promoting social justice. Nigeria currently lacks a leadership recruitment process, which can only be established if political parties are willing to develop a cadre. Unfortunately, the country is dealing with Special Purpose Vehicles (SPVs) instead. It’s rare to find leadership in Nigeria operating political boot camps to recruit and groom youths for future leadership roles.
This might be why many young people have a misguided understanding of politics, viewing it as merely a means of sharing the nation’s commonwealth. Mhairi Black was elected to the British House of Commons at 20 years old.
However, the key point is that Black had started becoming involved in politics at a young age. By the time she was elected, she had already gained significant experience, effectively becoming a veteran in the field. In Nigeria, politics is often seen as one of the few avenues for self-fulfillment. However, the economy is stagnant, with few jobs created in the public sector and limited investment opportunities.
This is a far cry from the 1950s and 1960s, when political parties were more substantial. Today, it’s worth asking how many Nigerian political parties have functional Research Departments. Besides, what socialization into any philosophy or ideology do our politicians have? Similarly to former Governor Rotimi Amaechi, many of those who currently hold power are motivated to stay in politics due to concerns about economic stability.
Of course, that’s why the Lagos State House of Assembly has had to revert itself. It is the same challenge that has reduced the traditional institution to victims of Nigeria’s ever-changing political temperature. It is the reason an Ogbomoso indigene is not interested in what happened between Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola.
It is also the reason an Ijebuman sees an Ogbomoso man as his enemy without bothering to dig up the bitter politics that ultimately succeeded in putting the two families on the path of permanent acrimony. Of course, that’s why we have crises all over the place! May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419)

Opinion
Rivers of emergency dilemma!

Byabiodun KOMOLAFE

Rivers State is now under emergency rule, and it’s likely to remain so for the next six months, unless a drastic change occurs.

If not managed carefully, this could mark the beginning of a prolonged crisis.
In situations like this, opinions tend to be divergent. For instance, some people hold the notion that the security situation and the need to protect the law and public order justified President Bola Tinubu’s proclamation of a state of emergency in, and the appointment of a sole administrator for Rivers State.
However, others view this act as ‘unconstitutional’, ‘reckless’, ‘an affront on democracy’, and ‘a political tool to intimidate the opposition’. When we criticize governments for unmet expectations, we often rely on our own perspectives and biases.
Our individual identities and prejudices shape our criticism. However, it’s essential to recognize that not all criticism is equal. Protesting within the law is fundamentally different from protests that descend into illegality. Once illegality creeps in, the legitimacy of the protest is lost.
As John Donne wrote in ‘Devotions Upon Emergent Occasions’, “Never send to know for whom the bell tolls.” A protest is legitimate when it aligns with societal norms, values and laws. But when protests are marred by violence or sabotage, they lose credibility. Without credibility, protests become ineffective.
Regarding the validity or otherwise of the emergency rule in Rivers State, it is imperative that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governors approach the Supreme Court immediately. They should seek a definitive clarification on whether the proclamation is ultra vires or constitutional.
For whatever it’s worth, they owe Nigerians that responsibility!May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
Abiodun KOMOLAFE,ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419 – SMS only.

Opinion
Rivers state: Why Tinubu’s administration resort to state of emergency

Abba Dukawa

The political crisis began in December 2023, when Governor Fubara ordered the demolition of the state House of Assembly complex, which remains unrebuilt to this day. This act has effectively paralyzed the legislative arm, disrupting the state’s system of checks and balances.

The Supreme Court highlighted the severity of this situation on February 28, 2025, emphasizing the absence of a functional government in Rivers State and the executive’s role in collapsing the legislative arm, thereby creating a governance void
Additionally, recent reports indicate that militants have been vandalizing pipelines and issuing threats without any intervention from the state government, raising concerns about the state’s security and economic stability.Given Rivers State’s crucial role in the country’s economy, this situation necessitates urgent and cautious intervention from the federal government.Despite interventions from various stakeholders, including Tinubu himself, the crisis has persisted
.It’s worth noting that Tinubu is the third president to invoke Section 305 of the Constitution, after Ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo and Former President Goodluck Jonathan.
President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State has sparked intense debate about its necessity and potential motivations. During his nationwide speech, Tinubu warned that this decision could set off a chain of unpredictable events, potentially leading to radical ideologies and extremist tendencies.
Critics argue that Tinubu’s decision was unnecessary and politically motivated, particularly given his connection to Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, who is accused of being the “arrowhead” of the crisis. Some believe that Tinubu’s administration aims to remove Governor Fubara, perceived as hostile to the 2027 Tinubu/Wike project.Ultimately, the motivations behind Tinubu’s decision remain unclear, and its implications for Rivers State and Nigeria as a whole are yet to be fully seen.
Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has strongly opposed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State and his suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, and members of the Rivers State President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.House of Assembly. President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.
The NBA pointed to Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, which governs the procedure for declaring a state of emergency. While this section grants the President emergency powers, it does not allow for the removal or suspension of elected officials. The NBA stressed that the only constitutional method for removing a governor or deputy governor is through impeachment as outlined in Section 188.
Furthermore, the removal of lawmakers must adhere to electoral laws and constitutional provisions insisted that a state of emergency does not equate to an automatic dissolution of an elected government, and any attempt to do so is an overreach of executive power.
Also Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has strongly condemned President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State, calling it an “assault on democracy” that must be denounced in the strongest possible terms . Wazirin Adamawa argues that Tinubu’s administration is responsible for the chaos in Rivers State, either by enabling it or failing to prevent it. He emphasizes that the President should bear full responsibility for any compromise of federal infrastructure in the state, rather than punishing the people of Rivers State with a state of emergency.
Abubakar also accuses president Tinubu of being a partisan actor in the political turmoil in Rivers, and his refusal to prevent the escalation is seen as “disgraceful to the people of Rivers” The former Vice President believes that the destruction of national infrastructure in Rivers State is a direct result of the President’s failure to act, and punishing the people of Rivers State would be undemocratic.
In his statement, former vice president asserts that the declaration of a state of emergency “reeks of political manipulation and outright bad faith. He urges that the people of Rivers State should not be punished for the political gamesmanship between the governor and Tinubu’s enablers in the federal government. Other analyst believes that the situation in Rivers State, though politically tense, does not meet the constitutional threshold for the removal of elected officials.
For a state of emergency to be declared, Section 305(3) of the Constitution outlines specific conditions, including:
1. War or external aggression against Nigeria. Imminent danger of invasion or war. A breakdown of public order and safety to such an extent that ordinary legal measures are insufficient.
Other reasons for such decisions to be enforced are clear danger to Nigeria’s existence and Occurrence of any disaster or natural calamity affecting a state or a part of it. Where public danger constitutes a threat to the Federation.
Since the state of the emergency in Rivers state has been promulgation, political watchers questions whether the political crisis in Rivers State has reached the level of a complete breakdown of law that has warranting the removal of the Governor and his administration. Political disagreements, legislative conflicts, or executive-legislative tensions do not constitute a justification for emergency rule.
Had been the president remain filmed Such conflicts should have been resolved through legal and constitutional mechanisms, including the judiciary, rather than executive fiat.
A state of emergency is an extraordinary measure that must be invoked strictly within constitutional limits. The removal of elected officials under the pretext of emergency rule is unconstitutional and unacceptable.Tinubu’s administration decision to declare a state of emergency has been met with mixed reactions. Some argue that it was necessary to restore sanity to the state and ensure the country’s stability. Others,, believe that it was an unnecessary decision that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Was declaration for Rivers state is necessary or political motivation? President Bola Amed Tinubu is fully aware that the declaration of State of Emergency in a prevalent democratic system is not the solution to the self-inflicted crisis bedeviling the State.
What Tinubu needed most was to call Wike, his Minister of FCT, to order. The former governor Wike is the arrowhead of the crisis bedeviling the State.
Now what the president Tinubu decision for the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State was an unnecessary decision” that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Other views whether president decisions of keeping his ally, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, is worth jeopardizing Nigeria’s economy.The keen watcher of events regarded the decision as a display of unpardonable mediocrity and diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027.
Tinubu administration wants to use the excuse of the political instability and other security challenges in Rivers to remove Governor FUBURA from the POWER considered hostile to the minister of the Federal Capital Territory or TInubu/Wiki diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027 election.
During his speeches Mr. President, blaming only the state governor and House of Assembly for the crisis in Rivers State is like expecting one iron to make a loud sound – it’s unrealistic and ignores the roles of others, including the former governor and a cabinet member in your administration.
Let us not forget; The situation in Rivers state is indeed complex, with President Tinubu’s intervention aiming to restore order, but also raising important questions about the balance between federal intervention and state autonomy. Invoking a state of emergency to suspend elected officials is a drastic measure that may set a worrying precedent, especially if not handled carefully.
The appointment of a retired military officer as the state’s administrator also raises concerns about the militarization of a democratic government. This move may be perceived as an attempt to exert federal control over the state, rather than allowing democratic processes to unfold, the initial six-month period of emergency rule, with provisions for extension, could lead to prolonged federal control. This is why it’s essential to establish clear timelines and measurable objectives to ensure a timely return to democratic governance.
Some of the key concerns that need to be addressed include: The potential for abuse of power*: The suspension of elected officials and the appointment of a military administrator could be seen as an attempt to consolidate federal power.
– *The impact on democratic institutions*: The emergency rule could undermine the democratic institutions in Rivers state and set a precedent for future interventions.
– *The need for transparency and accountability*: The federal government must ensure that the emergency rule is transparent, accountable, and subject to regular review. Ultimately, finding a balance between restoring order and respecting democratic institutions is crucial. The federal government must tread carefully to avoid exacerbating the situation and ensure a peaceful resolution.
Dukawa public affairs commentator and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com

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