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Netanyahu’s scandals follow him wherever he goes – analysis

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Benjamin Netanyahu’s trips used to be a respite from the ongoing crises and scandals he faced in Israel. Now, those problems follow him abroad.

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Throughout Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s nearly 16 years in office, trips abroad have often served as a welcome escape from the daily tumult of political infighting and the ongoing crises and scandals in Israel.

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When Netanyahu embarked on a 10-visit to Latin America and the US in September of 2017, he was getting away from accusations leveled by his former housekeeper Meni Naftali, from police investigations into scandals that later morphed into the three major court cases against him, and ceaseless speculation as to if and when then-attorney-general Avichai Mandelblit was going to hand down an indictment.

Four months later, he set off for a trip to India, where he was received like a king. Meanwhile, back at home, news headlines were dominated by stories about his wife Sara, his son Yair, and allegations of scandal involving some of his closest confidants.

Trips like these – to Latin America and India – held immense importance for Israel, promoting trade, explaining Israel’s position, and bolstering the country’s global standing.

They were also important for Netanyahu politically because they shifted the focus, momentarily, from scandals to statesmanship. That was where Netanyahu excelled – holding meetings with heads of state, defending Israel in interviews, delivering speeches – and from his perspective, it’s critically important to remind the public of this periodically.

Interestingly, Netanyahu has been unable to pull that trick out of his hat to the same degree so far during his third tenure as prime minister.

On Sunday, he and his wife Sara left for a two-day visit to Cyprus, where he will hold separate meetings with Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis before taking part in a trilateral summit. This will be the eighth trilateral summit between Israeli-Greek and Cypriot leaders since 2016.

This is also Netanyahu’s first trip abroad since he visited London in late March. During the first eight months of 2023, Netanyahu only traveled abroad on five occasions – once to Jordan and once each to the key capitals of Europe: Paris, London, Berlin, and Rome.

By comparison, in 2018 – arguably the height of his diplomatic prowess – Netanyahu visited 10 different countries and took 11 trips abroad. The previous year, 2017, was similar, with 11 trips abroad and visits to nine different countries between January and August.

That was when Netanyahu was doing what he does best: strutting the world stage, strengthening Israel’s global ties, expanding relations in previously overlooked regions, and leveraging Israel’s technological, military, and agricultural expertise to enhance the country’s standing in the world dramatically.

That he has traveled relatively infrequently this time reflects his preoccupation with domestic issues and a decline in his attractiveness as a leader alongside whom others want to be photographed.

Israeli political crises follow Netanyahu abroad

Regarding the domestic issues, his focus, energy, and time are now absorbed by the fallout from the judicial overhaul plan, low-level politics, and the uptick in Palestinian terrorism. Needing to constantly put out fires started by Yariv Levin, Simcha Rothman, Itamar Ben-Gvir, Bezalel Smotrich, Tally Gotliv, and others, Netanyahu simply hasn’t had the bandwidth to deal with diplomacy as he has in the past.

Regarding his attractiveness as a leader, when he traveled to Australia in 2017 and India in 2018, then Australian prime minister Malcolm Turnbull and India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi were keen on hosting him because the “Bibi brand” helped solidify their conservative credentials and was good for them politically. Netanyahu’s stature today, however, is not what it was then.

Nevertheless, Netanyahu’s visit to Cyprus will kick off what is expected to be a busy diplomatic travel schedule.

His trip to Cyprus was initially scheduled for July 25, three days before he was expected to make a trip to Ankara to meet – for the first time – Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Going first to Cyprus to meet with the Greek and Cypriot leaders before meeting Erdogan was intended to send a reassuring signal to those two countries that their relations with Israel would not suffer due to Israel’s rapprochement with Turkey.

Those trips were postponed because of health reasons – Netanyahu had a pacemaker inserted at the time – and though the Cyprus trip was rescheduled for Sunday and Monday, no new date has been set for Netanyahu’s visit to Turkey.

If Netanyahu needs any reminder that he shouldn’t sacrifice the strong ties he forged with Greece and Cyprus in pursuit of improved relations with Turkey, photos of Turkey’s Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan being welcomed in Tehran on Sunday should suffice.

A few weeks after returning from Cyprus and following next Tuesday’s High Court of Justice hearing on the reasonableness standard law, Netanyahu will attend the UN General Assembly meeting and, finally, meet with US President Joe Biden.

It is at the UN where Netanyahu has, over the years, burnished his reputation in Israel as a world-class-statesman with back-to-back meetings with heads of state and a speech to the world body in perfect English, often accompanied by visual aids, covered wall-to-wall back home. He will obviously use that occasion to deflect for both the foreign and domestic audiences the perception the anti-judicial reform protestors are trying to create that he is leading the country down an anti-democratic path.

At the end of November or early December, he is then scheduled to make his first trip to an Abraham Accord country to attend – along with a large Israeli delegation – the COP28 climate conference in Dubai.

In addition, he has standing invitations to Morocco and China. If the political calendar allows it, these are trips he would be very keen on taking as they, too, will shift the emphasis from scandal to statesmanship.

In the past, these trips allowed Netanyahu to speak uninterrupted about grand economic policy and Israel’s strengthened status in the world rather than having to address questions about the legal cases against him and petty politics at home.
Those days, however, seem to be over.

Israelis living in Cyprus were planning to demonstrate against the prime minister, much as protesters did earlier this year when he visited London, Paris, Berlin, and Rome, and even more of the same is to be expected when he goes to the United States later this month.

The days when Netanyahu could travel abroad, do what he does best, and momentarily forget his domestic problems are over, as demonstrators against him by Israeli protestors at foreign venues provide a constant reminder of what awaits him at home. Going abroad is no longer as much of a break from domestic political troubles for Netanyahu as it once was — another way in which the prime minister’s third term is turning out to be so different than his first two.

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Bruno Fernandes: Mikel Arteta credits ‘smart’ Man Utd captain for free-kick as Gary Neville says wall ‘too far back’

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The Arsenal wall was measured 11.2 yards away from the ball instead of the regulation 10 at the free-kick which Bruno Fernandes scored from

Mikel Arteta says Bruno Fernandes was “smarter” than referee Anthony Taylor over his free-kick that gave Manchester United the lead against Arsenal in 1-1 draw on Sunday; referee moved defensive wall 11.2 yards back; Gary Neville criticised Arsenal over incident

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Mikel Arteta refused to criticise Anthony Taylor for sending Arsenal’s defensive wall too far back for Bruno Fernandes’ free-kick in their 1-1 draw but said the Manchester United captain had been “smarter” than the referee in taking advantage to net his fine strike.

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Broadcast technology found Taylor marched the Arsenal defensive line 11.2 yards back, further than the minimum 10 yards required in the Laws of the Game, before Fernandes curled a dead ball inside the near post shortly before half-time.

“At the end of the day the referee is pushing them back too far, which is a mistake, but ordinarily you would sense you’re too far away and creep forward,” said Gary Neville on the Gary Neville Podcast.

“They didn’t do that and it ends up that Bruno Fernandes has the ability to play it over the wall.”

The United captain’s technique was superb but, like Neville, the Super Sunday pundits questioned whether his goal would have been possible had Arsenal’s five-player wall been closer.

Arteta refused to be drawn over the incident, only to congratulate Fernandes for making the most of the advantage he had been given.
“He’s been smart and he took advantage, that is football,” he told Sky Sports. “He’s been smarter than the ref. That’s OK, they allowed him to do it.”

Player of the match Declan Rice, who netted Arsenal’s equaliser after half-time, took the blame for the goal on himself and the other members of the Gunners wall, though he also felt it had been pushed too far back.

“It felt like a couple of us jumped and some of us didn’t, but I’ve not seen it back,” he told Sky Sports. “It felt like the ball flew over us at quite a low height so, from the wall’s perspective, we could have done a lot better.
“The wall did feel far back. Even on our free-kick, when Martin [Odegaard] took it, they felt far back as well, more than usual. But the referee makes that decision.”

After half-time, another free-kick from Martin Odegaard was being lined up when Taylor again appeared to exceed 10 yards when marking out where Man Utd’s defensive wall could stand.

As Neville had suggested Arsenal should do, Noussair Mazraoui questioned Taylor over the distance, while the wall itself crept forward before Odegaard’s strike – and did its job when his effort rebounded away to safety.

Manchester United head coach Ruben Amorim told Sky Sports he had noticed the issues with both free-kicks but had no intention of helping Arsenal out ahead of Fernandes’ opener.

He said: “It was clear, both free-kicks. So when it’s your free kick, you don’t say anything. When it’s the opponent, you try to push because it’s a big difference.

“It was fair, one for us, one for them. We had Bruno and he solved the problem.”

Man Utd midfielder Christian Eriksen, who has scored eight Premier League free-kicks, explained after the game the sizeable difference even 1.2 yards extra would make for a dead-ball specialist.

“It makes a very big difference,” he told Sky Sports. “When the ball is over the wall you don’t need to hit it as high – going down to statistics and how far they are back and how many metres and how they jump. So it’s easier and it gives Bruno a bit more space to put it over the wall.

“It was very good. It helped that the wall was about 15 metres away, so it was perfect for him to put it over.

“I saw it early [that the wall was a fair way back]. Even before the kick you could see how far back they were, and it was the same when they had it in the second half – obviously we were a bit angry with the ref [at that point] for putting us so far back after we saw that Bruno scored.

“But I think it was just beneficial to us.”

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Sule Lamido: Statesman, bridge builder

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Former Governor of Jigawa State, Alhaji Sule Lamido

Alhaji Sule Lamido was born August 30, 1948. He is a native of Bamaina village, Jigawa State, and is known for his wide-level exposure in leadership. He attended Birnin Kudu school, for his primary education in 1955 and proceeded for his secondary education at the prestigious Barewa College, Zaria, Kaduna State.

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Lamido embarked on a course in Railway engineering at the Permanent way training school, Zaria, Kaduna where he gained knowledge on the rail transport operations. Upon graduation from the Permanent Way Training School, Lamido started his career as a Quality Control officer at the Nigeria Tobacco Company in Zaria. He also worked in Bamaina Holding Company, amongst other companies in the country.

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He also worked in Bamaina Holding Company, amongst other companies in the country. In 1992, Lamido ventured into politics, first in the second republic as a member of the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) where he was an active member. Lamido was also active in the third republic, as a member of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), and played a key role as the National Secretary in the party. The seasoned politician was also a delegate of the 1995 National Constitutional Conference in Abuja the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

During the military regime of the late Gen Sani Abacha, Lamido was a member of the G-34 political movement which was a notable and powerful opposition group that shaped Nigeria’s fourth republic. After several years of the Military junta in Nigeria, Sule Lamido returned back to active politics in the fourth republic under the platform of the People’s Democratic Party.

He was appointed the Foreign Affairs Minister in the first four years of President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2003) at a time Nigeria had to reposition and redeem its image in the international community. As Foreign Minister he travelled with Former President Obasanjo across the globe, restoring broken relationships with the western bloc nations and opening new frontiers with countries like Japan, Russia, Brazil, China and Australia.

Other roles he played as foreign minister was representing Nigeria in the United Nations, G77 bloc of nations, Commonwealth of nations, Organization of African Unity and Economic Community of West Africa States. In November 2001, at the United Nations , Lamido described the corrosive impact of corruption on new democracies such as Nigeria, and called for “an international instrument” against transfer of looted funds abroad.

As Governor of Jigawa, Sule Lamido put the State on national scale with significant investments in infrastructure, healthcare, agriculture, housing & urban development, empowerment programmes, education, rural development and industrial projects. The elder statesman is also known for his capacity to build consensus across the nation.

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Remembering Anthony Enahoro

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By Abiodun Komolafe

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It is a settled fact that Anthony Eromosele Enahoro (July 22, 1923 – December 15, 2010) was an outstanding product of Nigeria’s pre-independence era. Enahoro moved one of the motions for independence and there’s a lot for us to look at in the context of the life he lived and the political firmament that brought him up. Therefore, remembering this Father of Nigerian Nationalism is to reminisce about an era where courage and conviction were the
currencies of change.

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As a pioneering journalist, politician and champion of independence, Enahoro’s unwavering commitment to Nigeria’s self-rule has left an enduring legacy that continues to inspire generations. His remarkable story is a testament to the transformative power of leadership, perseverance and the unrelenting pursuit of freedom.

Building on his legacy as a champion of independence, Enahoro went on to serve in various capacities, including as Minister of Information and Labour. He was later tried alongside Obafemi Awolowo and others for treasonable felony, a trial that became infamous in Nigerian history. Although convicted, Enahoro was later released and continued to play a significant role in shaping Nigeria’s political landscape. 

Enahoro was an outstanding nationalist and a principled person, and this was evident in his involvement with the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO). Of course, there was no need for him and Alfred Rewane to have been involved in the struggle for the enthronement of democracy, particularly in the aftermath of the annulled June 12, 1993 presidential election won by MKO Abiola as they had too much to lose!. But they risked everything to fight for popular democracy, Although Rewane ultimately lost his life in the struggle, Enahoro was fortunate to have escaped the same fate.

Despite the risks and challenges, Enahoro remained unbending in his convictions, refusing to waver even in the face of adversity. As a gifted individual, he recognized that the issue at hand was not just about the violation of an individual's rights, but an affront to democracy and national sovereignty. He, along with Alfred Rewane and others fought for principles, not personalities. This commitment to principle was evident in their diverse backgrounds: Enahoro was a Christian from Uromi in Edo State, with Esan extraction; Rewane was a Christian of Urhobo descent from Delta State; and Abiola, whose rights they fought for, was a Muslim Yorubaman, from Ogun State. Unlike some NADECO members who howled with the wolves and bleated with the sheep for convenience, Enahoro was not
duplicitous. Unlike the crop of Janjaweeds who now populate our political landscape, he remained steadfast, refusing to compromise his values.

Olajumoke Ogunkeyede, a close ally of Enahoro, described him as “a man with a seriously fantastic sense of humour; Ogunkeyede, fondly called JMK, shared several instances of Enahoro’s ability to bring joy to those around him. His humorous takes on serious issues, such as the demons in Abuja, showcased his wit. Moreover, his clever commentaries, including his defence of now-President Bola Tinubu’s aspirations, and his ingenious use of allegories and analogies, like; Ogbuefi; and; Ogbueniyan’, collectively attested to the capacity of his wit and charm.

When writing about individuals like Enahoro, Rewane, Herbert Macaulay, Awolowo, Aminu Kano, Maitama Sule, and others, it’s essential to consider the context in which they lived. This context is bittersweet, as they represented an era where political activism was rooted in philosophical positions and guided by principles.

People during this time held strong convictions and were willing to make sacrifices for their beliefs. That’s why society was more orderly in their time, and it achieved proper sustainable development, unlike today where what we have is largely ‘growth without development’, to be polite, or, if we want to be impolite, ‘the development of underdevelopment’. Amidst this, our leaders continue to sing the same old, worn-out refrain while satiating a vacuous idolatry that elevates an ego bereft of substance, a hollow monolith that stands on feet of clay.

If we look at people like Enahoro and Adegoke Adelabu, their lives exemplified a paradox that underscored the tenuous relationship between knowledge and credentials. This was because, despite lacking university degrees, they possessed a profound intellectual depth that eluded many of their contemporaries who boasted an array of impressive certifications, forgetting that it is not the parchment that confers wisdom, but the depth of one's inquiry, the rigour of one's thought and the breadth of one’s understanding.

Enahoro became the youngest editor of Nnamdi Azikiwe's newspaper, the Southern Nigerian Defender, in 1944 at the age of 21 while Peter, his younger brother, became the editor of The Morning Star at the age of 23. The older Enahoro also worked with other publications, including Daily Comet and West African Pilot before parting ways with Azikiwe, whom he always referred to as his chairman, while Awolowo was his political leader. The reasons behind this preference are intriguing, but that’s a story for another time.

These early experiences laid the foundation for Enahoro’s later involvement with the Action Group (AG), a political party that shared his vision of ‘making life more abundant.’ Enahoro and the AG represented an understanding that the process of economic development must be structured and based on a philosophical thrust. In contrast, what is absurdly described as ‘politics’ today is terribly bad and basically transactional; and it’s driven by a cash-and-
carry mentality, where individuals seek to outdo one another in a chop-and-quench; political economy! No unity! No discipline! No structure! For them, any goose can cackle and any fly can find a sore place!

Looking at the plane, Enahoro’s life and career epitomized the complexities of Nigeria’s struggle for
independence and democracy. His life and work embodied the intersection of individual agency and structural forces that steered the trajectory of nations. As a prominent anti-colonial and pro- democracy activist, he played a pivotal role in the country’s transition from colonial rule to independence. The Adolor of Uromi and the Adolor of Onewa was a vocal critic of authoritarianism and a strong advocate for human rights. His perseverance in the face of resistance, setbacks and imprisonment demonstrates the dedication required to bring about
transformative change.

In moments of emotions and situations, we often discover our true strength and resilience. Enahoro has gone to the ages but his legacy continues to inspire, much like Abraham Lincolns. In simpler terms, he was a brave soul who dared to challenge the colonial powers. So, his legacy should serve as inspiration and role model for future generations, demonstrating the potential for excellence that exists within individuals and communities. In fairness to fate, Enahoro and his contemporaries were well-prepared for the liberation movement, thanks to their involvement in the West African Students Union (WASU) and their time at King’s College, Lagos. This institution, attended by Enahoro and Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, was a hotbed for political activism and discourse. To truly reboot, Nigerians must remember the personal histories of pioneers like Enahoro.

Today, we remember Enahoro, a pioneering figure who dared to dream of independence for Nigeria. We honour not only his significant contributions to Nigeria’s history but also his untiring commitment to democracy, self-determination and human rights. As we remember him and his dogged commitment to federalism and the quest for social justice, it is in our best interest to recreate the ethos and the spirit which created him and people like him.
May Anthony Enahoro’s spirit soar on the wings of eternal peace!

May his memory continue to serve as a testament to the enduring impact of individual agency
on the course of national history!

May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

*KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk)

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