Opinion
Let the Press be, Mr. President
By Dan Agbese
The struggle never ends. Haroun Adamu usually signed off his column in the Daily Times with the warning: the struggle continues. Under every government and in every clime, the press (to use the generic name) must struggle and struggle to survive in a social climate made hostile for it either through formal legislations or through the whims, the caprices and the intolerance of rulers.
Almost every government treats the press as a necessary evil. Being a necessary evil obliges governments to treat it like the enemy they verily believe it is, unless, of course, it chooses to put the rouge on their faces to cover up unruly pimples. Laws are trundled out at convenient intervals to place hurdles in the path of the press to limit its operation and its capacity to roam in the service of the public, so the big man could sleep soundly.
According to the late Prince Tony Momoh, former minister of information, editor and newspaper chief executive, and undoubtedly the most skilful and professional government information manager we have had so far, between the controversial Newspaper Act of 1964, to somewhere during the Babangida regime, we had some 51 laws that specifically targeted the press. None of that was a friendly piece of legislation. The undue attention to the press arose then and arises now from rulers addressing the nasty question, to wit, what do we do to make the press serve our exclusive needs and ignore the constitutional or the conventional right of the people to know what their government is doing or not doing and why?
The dust of controversy is currently swirling over a new government attempt to put the press in its place through some amendments to the Nigerian Press Council Act Cap N28. The proposed amendments are before a committee of the House of Representatives. And from why I have read of its handling by the honourable members, there appears to be some chuckling in the lower chambers of the national assembly. Perhaps some of its members relish the prospects of being made famous as the sledge hammers that hammered the press in our country. A more unworthy ambition you could not find among law-makers.
It should surprise no one that we have come to this pass again. We have received hints of this in various forms since the Buhari administration with bells and whistles of a citizenry clamouring for change in how we are governed and to what end. There were hints from both Lai Mohammed, minister of information and culture, and the senate of both legal and administrative plans to regular the social media. The chance came last month when Twitter took down one particular tweet by President Buhari because it offended its policy that obliges those who use its services to keep a civil tongue.
Mohammed gleefully brought the hammer down on Twitter and later issued open threats to Facebook and Instagram in a childish petulant reaction. Taking down the president’s tweet was not an assault on him. It was essentially a simple act of making him respect a simple company policy that users of its service agree to abide by. It makes no exceptions on the basis of high positions in the society. Ask former US president Donald Trump.
Some elements in the Buhari administration, with or without the support of their principal, believe the fastest way to make a name for themselves is to take on the press, put a leash on its scrawny neck and narrow the space for its freedom. Lai Mohammed is happy to be the commander-in-chief of the anti-media forces. With leash around our necks we shall remember his eight eights as minister. It counts for something.
The Nigerian Press Council Act reflects the tendency on the part of governments in developing countries to jump into anything that would make the press docile and quiescent. Ordinarily, the press council should not be the business of government. It was not so intended from the beginning. Its proponents envisaged an institution similar to that in Britain, the first nation to recognise the necessity for such an institution as a self-regulatory body set up, funded and run by the press establishment.
Its primary purpose is to give the members of the public a platform for an alternative resolution of their grievances and disagreements with the press. Under its provisions, members of the public are free to raise any issues against the behaviour of the press such as the publication of photographs in a newspaper that someone finds insensitive or offensive. The council has no powers to press charges against an offending newspaper but it has the full powers to chide it and order it to apologise for causing an offence. It publishes its findings and decisions in all matters brought before it for the education of the media men and women. The parties are usually satisfied and there the matter ends. Chief Obasanjo once took the editor of the rag sheet called Razor to the press council headed by the late Chief Alade Odunewu to defend his good name. He chose not to sue the newspaper.
In our own case, and regrettably so, the generals jumped in when they found that our media managers who had the responsibility to birth the proposed press council had problems agreeing among themselves. Government took over its establishment, complete with the right to appoint its principal staff, such as the chairman and the secretary. Things, as they are wont to do, have been going down the hill for the council since then, not least because the journalists surrendered what was intended to be their self-regulatory institution to an external boss exercising its assumed right to use the council to bend the will of the press. Decree upon decree has watered down the council and its ability to take control in its essential task of making the press self-regulate itself in its relations with the public.
The current proposed amendments to the council act are intended as pure punitive instruments to cow the press and narrow the frontiers of free speech. Fake news and hate speeches would now make it into the press council act, thus turning the council into what it was never meant to be. There are enough laws, such as that of libel, in the books to take care of the new fanciful phrase, fake news, and hate speech. There is no reason why the government should seek to impose on the press council a burden it was never meant to bear.
We do not need the Sword of Damocles of N10 million and N250,000 fines respectively hanging over an erring medium and an individual journalist. The press has enough problems as it is because of hostile and benign acts that impinge on its commercial and professional interests. The Buhari administration need not pile it on. It should, instead, pay attention to the revival of the paper factory at Oku-Iboku and the completion of the huge paper factory at Iwopin to free the press from importing newsprint from as far away as Brazil.
The president’s men in the executive and the legislative branches of government seem to lose sight of what happened to the press in Buhari’s military regime. Early in his administration, he promised the nation through an interview with Concord editors – the late Dele Giwa, Yakubu Mohammed and Ray Ekpu – that he would tamper with the press. He was as good as his word. He soon enacted Decree 4 of 1984 targeted at the press. Two Guardian reporters, Tunde Thompson and Nduka Irabor, were jailed one year each under the decree for publishing a leaked or speculative information of impending ambassadorial appointments by Buhari. We have not forgotten the injury it caused the press. The press has been wary since the man became a born-again democrat and was elected president in 2015 and re-elected in 2019. We know that he treats the press with benign condescension and has never pretended that the love of the press ranks pretty low in his heart.
The press may be a difficult and irritating social institution but it is not a necessary evil because much good it does the society. It a) gives effect to the constitutional provision for freedom of speech and all other freedoms without which a society is no better than an animal kingdom without a government and b) serves the vital human need to be informed and educated.
I believe that the Nigerian press is not Buhari’s problem. The press has not been hostile to him or acted irresponsibly to justify the current resort to the anti-press posture. His problems are the national economy burdened with N33.11 trillion debt, the loss of 324,000 children and the $27.8 billion to the insurgency in the north-east. He should not condescend to dirtying his hands in a fight with the press. Use the press to promote human rights and freedoms. Whatever your men may say, chaining the press is not worth your while as a born-again democrat.
By Fred Itua
The recent ruling of the Edo State Election Petition Tribunal, which saw the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) lose its bid to overturn the election victory of Governor Monday Okpebholo, marks a defining moment in the state’s political landscape. While elections and legal challenges are essential aspects of democracy, what follows is even more crucial—the role of the opposition in ensuring governance is accountable, effective, and people-centered. However, this must be pursued in a manner that prioritizes the development and stability of Edo State rather than fueling acrimony, political tension, and divisive rhetoric.
A vibrant opposition plays a crucial role in strengthening democracy. It is expected to provide constructive criticism, propose alternative policies, and ensure that the ruling government remains accountable to the people. However, for this role to be beneficial, it must be driven by the genuine interest of the people rather than personal vendettas, obstructionist tactics, or an attempt to undermine the legitimacy of the government.
In Edo State, the focus should now shift from post-election bitterness to responsible opposition politics. The people of Edo have made their decision through the ballot, and the legal process has affirmed it. It is now imperative that the opposition, especially the PDP, restrategizes its approach by offering meaningful policy alternatives rather than engaging in actions that could destabilize governance.
One of the most damaging aspects of opposition politics in Nigeria is the tendency for acrimonious engagements that serve only to inflame tensions rather than address pressing governance issues. When opposition leaders resort to inciting the public against the government, spreading misinformation, or engaging in character assassination, they create an environment of hostility that hinders governance rather than improving it.
Edo State cannot afford to be embroiled in unnecessary political squabbles that distract from the task of development. The challenges before the Okpebholo-led administration require cooperation, innovative thinking, and a commitment to service delivery. Any opposition that seeks to continuously heat up the polity for selfish political gains is doing a disservice to the very people it claims to represent.
True opposition is not about opposing for opposition’s sake; it is about providing credible alternatives and engaging constructively with the government of the day. There are many pressing issues in Edo State—economic development, infrastructure, education, security, and healthcare—that require the collective input of all stakeholders, including the opposition.
Rather than staging protests or engaging in campaigns to delegitimize the government, the opposition should leverage democratic institutions such as the State House of Assembly, public discourse forums, and the media to articulate well-thought-out policy alternatives. Political parties that lost at the polls should focus on rebuilding, strengthening their grassroots engagement, and preparing robust policy proposals that can win public support in future elections.
Democracy thrives when all parties respect the electoral process and its outcomes. The people of Edo have chosen their leader, and the court has validated this choice. Any attempt to undermine Governor Monday Okpebholo’s administration through disruptive tactics would not only be undemocratic but also counterproductive. The opposition must recognize that its role is not to create instability but to ensure that governance is people-centered and effective.
As Edo State moves forward, it is time for all political actors to set aside differences and focus on governance. The ruling party must be open to constructive criticism, while the opposition must act responsibly, engaging in issues-based politics rather than resorting to acrimony. The interest of Edo people must remain paramount, and every political action should be geared toward their well-being and progress.
Governor Monday Okpebholo has a mandate to govern, and he must be given the space to deliver on his promises. The opposition, rather than being an obstacle, should be a partner in ensuring that democracy works for everyone. Politics should be a contest of ideas, not a battleground of personal or party rivalries. Edo State deserves better, and it is only through responsible and constructive engagement that true progress can be achieved.
Fred Itua is the Chief Press Secretary to the Edo State Governor.
By Adamu Muhd Usman.
“If you can think of it, you can plan it; if you can plan it, you can dream it; if you can dream it, you can achieve it.”
—Unknown author
Farming and livestock are Jigawa’s main occupations. The Jigawa people and its government are always interested in farming. So talking about farming, farmers, commodities and livestock prices are interesting issues for Jigawa people.
The prices of cash crops, grains, etc., are recording a steady drop in Jigawa State occasioned by the yearning and interest of the people of the state and also some state government commitment for both farming of animals and farm produce.
A check and investigations by yours sincerely showed and proved that the prices of many things had dropped by 20-30 per cent in the last four weeks and thereabouts in Jigawa state.
A 10 kg local rice farm (produced) in Jigawa State was sold at ₦9,000 as against the previous price of almost ₦12,000. Millet, sorghum, beans, wheat, Benny seeds, etc., indicated a similar price decrease.
People are of the opinion that the situation of a high supply of the produce from farms in Jigawa State has committed itself to producing a large quantity of farm produce and livestock to meet the demand in the region or the country at large. Surely, the increase in the supply of the produce from the farms or farmers had forced prices down in the recent past.
Others still attributed this price drop to the fear of Allah instilled in the hearts of hoarders because the clerics kept preaching against hoarding, which is seriously frown upon by God Almighty.
While some political critics viewed it as the bad economic policies of the President Tinubu administration, in which Allah used it to bring relief to the common man.
Quite obviously, Jigawa is amongst the three states in the federation that produce and supply the nation and some neighbouring counties with grains, livestock, fish and frogs. Jigawa state is also first in Hibiscus, sesame, gum Arabic, datefarm and also Jigawa is not left behind in the farming of cotton and Siemens. —-Jigawa is blessed.
But at the overround investigations, findings and outcomes, it was largely concluded that all these results and achievements were attributed to the people’s interest and passion for farming, but it is mostly because of the government’s commitments to assist, promote and enhance agricultural production in the state to make it a priority in Jigawa as a means of livelihood, occupation and income for the Jigawa populace and to be a source of internally generated revenue (IGR) for the state and also make the state feed the nation formula. Thank God, the airport (cargo) built by the former governor, Dr Sule Lamido, will now be very functional and useful.
The big question now is, can the state government sustain its support for the agricultural sector and continue to pay more attention and also sustain the package and gesture?
We hope that farmers in the state will continue to enjoy maximum support in crop production, including the use of mechanised farming. This will encourage livestock farming, which will go a long way to reduce or stop farmers’/herders’ clashes.
Also, the issue of soil erosion should be given due attention, and more roads should be constructed across the state in order to facilitate bringing out farm produce from villages and rural areas to urban areas.
As the saying goes, Success is getting what you want, and happiness is wanting what you get.
Adamu writes from Kafin-Hausa, Jigawa State.
By Abiodun KOMOLAFE
The concepts of power, privilege and governance are complex and multifaceted. Power refers to the ability to influence others, while privilege denotes unearned advantages.
Governance encompasses institutions, structures and processes that regulate these dynamics. Together, these concepts raise fundamental questions about justice, equality and resource distribution.
It emphasizes the importance of considering marginalized groups’ experiences and perspectives. The main problem in Nigeria today is its political economy, which is rooted in rent-seeking and fosters a mindset that prioritizes patronage over production.
The country’s politics are characterized by a patron-client relationship, where everything revolves around government handouts rather than effective governance. This has led to a situation where “politics” in Nigeria is essentially a scramble for resources in a country with severely limited opportunities for self-improvement.
When French agronomist René Dumont wrote ‘False Starts in Africa’ in 1962, he inadvertently described Nigeria’s current state in 2025. Nigeria’s missteps have magnified themselves in the theatre of the absurd, such as the construction of a new vice presidential residence and Governor Chukwuemeka Soludo’s boasts about the lavish official residence for the governor of Anambra State, currently under construction.
It is to be noted in contradistinction that the newly sworn-in Prime Minister of Canada, Mark Carney, is looking for somewhere to live. The official residence of the prime minister, 24 Sussex Drive, the Canadian equivalent of 10 Downing Street, is in disrepair and uninhabitable. No Canadian government can dare ask the parliament to appropriate the $40m needed to refurbish the residence.
Canada’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) exceeds $2 trillion, while Nigeria’s GDP is less than $400 billion. Still, Nigeria claims to be a giant! With an electricity generation capacity of less than 6,000 megawatts, Nigeria’s proclamation seems absurd, especially when compared to cities like Johannesburg, Singapore, Hong Kong and Mumbai. Even Lagos State alone should be generating, transmitting and distributing at least 15,000 megawatts, which would be a basic expectation rather than an achievement.
Nigeria today needs a comprehensive overhaul of its governance crisis to build a new political economy and social services that are fit for purpose. Although the government is on the right path in some ways, a root-and-branch transformation is still necessary.
A notable breakthrough is the decision to recapitalize development finance institutions, such as the Bank of Industry and, crucially, the Bank of Agriculture. This move is significant in a rent-seeking state, as it addresses the need for long-term capital – a prerequisite for achieving meaningful progress.
The development finance institutions require annual recapitalization of at least N500 billion, ideally N1 trillion. Achieving this necessitates a thorough cost evaluation of the government’s machinery, starting with the full implementation of the Oronsaye Committee’s recommendations.
The resulting cost savings can then be redirected to development finance institutions and essential social services like primary healthcare. Furthermore, the government should be bolder, if it can afford to be so, especially since there’s no discernible opposition on offer At the moment, the Nigerian political establishment across the board appears to be enamored by the position put forward by the leader of the Russian revolution, Vladimir Lenin, after the failed putsch. Lenin wrote the classic, ‘What is to be done?’
His observation is that revolutions do not take place at times of grinding poverty. They do so during periods of relatively rising prosperity. Significant sections of the Nigerian establishment believe that relatively rising prosperity could trigger off social discontent.
In their own interest, they had better be right. The caveat is that Lenin wrote ‘What’s to be Done’ in 1905. The world has moved on and changed since the conditions that led to the failure of the attempted takeover of government in Russia in 1905. Therefore, the Nigerian political establishment, for reasons of self-preservation, had better put on its thinking cap. Addressing power and privilege in governance requires collective action, institutional reforms and a commitment to promoting social justice. Nigeria currently lacks a leadership recruitment process, which can only be established if political parties are willing to develop a cadre. Unfortunately, the country is dealing with Special Purpose Vehicles (SPVs) instead. It’s rare to find leadership in Nigeria operating political boot camps to recruit and groom youths for future leadership roles.
This might be why many young people have a misguided understanding of politics, viewing it as merely a means of sharing the nation’s commonwealth. Mhairi Black was elected to the British House of Commons at 20 years old.
However, the key point is that Black had started becoming involved in politics at a young age. By the time she was elected, she had already gained significant experience, effectively becoming a veteran in the field. In Nigeria, politics is often seen as one of the few avenues for self-fulfillment. However, the economy is stagnant, with few jobs created in the public sector and limited investment opportunities.
This is a far cry from the 1950s and 1960s, when political parties were more substantial. Today, it’s worth asking how many Nigerian political parties have functional Research Departments. Besides, what socialization into any philosophy or ideology do our politicians have? Similarly to former Governor Rotimi Amaechi, many of those who currently hold power are motivated to stay in politics due to concerns about economic stability.
Of course, that’s why the Lagos State House of Assembly has had to revert itself. It is the same challenge that has reduced the traditional institution to victims of Nigeria’s ever-changing political temperature. It is the reason an Ogbomoso indigene is not interested in what happened between Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola.
It is also the reason an Ijebuman sees an Ogbomoso man as his enemy without bothering to dig up the bitter politics that ultimately succeeded in putting the two families on the path of permanent acrimony. Of course, that’s why we have crises all over the place! May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419)
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