Features
Leadership: Audu, Achema on my mind
By Abel Ada- Musa
The biggest problem facing Igala people presently is the breakdown of political and traditional leaderships. We have in fact crossed the red line. Hope for redemption gets dimmed every day.
Since the demise of Ata Igala, on 30 August 2020, the search for the successor has continued, endlessly, even though the kingmakers are not in doubt about who should be the next Ata. It is only the state government is in doubt. Probably, the state government is looking for a stooge. Head or tail, it is anomalous to leave the seat of Ata Igala empty for a year, and still counting.
I read a damning revelation on Whatsapp recently, where it was said that a great number traditional stools in Igala land are empty, after the demise of the last rulers. The information powered by Uja’che Ane-Igala Association noted that the seat of Eje Ankpa has been vacant in the last five years ago. This is in addition to the several royal stools that are empty. When you add this to the fact that leadership position in Igala land is vacant, you will know that we are in great mess!
Since the death of Dr. Stephen Achema and Prince Abubakar Audu, Igala have been groping from pillar to post in terms of leadership. The centre piece of their leadership was the people, development and welfare of Igala. They were not tribal warlords, as the world goes, but they loved their people. Their strength was the people. They stayed in the midst of the people. The did politics all year round. They were not coming every year to ambush the electoral process or deceive the hapless electorate for inordinate electoral gain.
I remember vividly in 1999, during the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) governorship election, at Plaza Hotel Lokoja, along Mount Patti. There were about six governorship aspirants from Kogi East. Dr. Achema was obviously the popular choice of the delegates. Dr. Stephen Olorunfemi was the only candidate from Kogi west. The stalwarts from Igala exis AS USUAL failed to agree on a candidate, even when they knew that Achema was the preferred candidate. Palpable hatred dogged what would have been a walkover for the Igala candidates.
It so happened that the PDP candidate could not emerge before the deadline for the submission of name at the party headquarter. Eventually, the name of Dr. Stephen Olorunfemi was submitted as the candidate of the PDP, for the state governorship election. As we learned, Chief Sunday Awoniyi, who was the BoT Chairman then played a significant role in the emergence of Dr. Olorunfemi, in addition to Late Abubakar Rimi and Solomon Lar.
Achema’s kinsmen betrayed him, even though they knew they knew he was the choice of the people. They said even if they were not going to win, Achema should not win. Some of them had no plausible argument than to say he was arrogant! The PDP had all the positive signs in place, to win the maiden democratic election in the state, in 1999. I beg to say that the curse continues till date, in Igala land.
When it was obvious that Kogi East had lost, entirely, Achema propounded the principle of Uja’che, to kick start his support for Prince Abubakar Audu, who had already emerged as the candidate of All Progressives Party (APP). Uja’che means fight for self-worth. He wanted to tell the PDP managers in Abuja who conspired against him, that they might have won the battle, but not the war. In spite of the bitter political differences, Dr. Achema gathered the people and told them that irrespective of political affiliations, Prince Abubakar Audu remained the candidate of Igala people. It settled the matter! Everybody was ready to vote for Prince Audu of APP. The defeate of PDP in the governorship election in 1999, put Igala people on the political map, of Nigeria.
So many petitions were written against Achema, saying that he was the reason why the party lost the state election. Their aim was that he should not be given any post, under the Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration. But Obasanjo was smarter than the petitioners and traducers, who obviously came from Igala land. Obasanjo said if one person could make the party lose election, the person must ne a political factor. His accusers made sure he did not get any ministerial post. That was how Dr. Achema became an indispensible factor in his party.
To underline the seriousness of Uja’che, Dr. Olorunfemi was looking for a running mate in Igala land, but he could not get, until he settled for Alhaji Sule Iyaji, in Omala Local Government. During the electioneering campaign, Dr. Olorunfemi had no confidence campaigning in Igala land. In the end, Prince Audu won overwhelmingly. That time, Igala were on the same page.
Today, the story has changed. It took an Igala politician to propound the slogan, ‘Enemuneme’, meaning another person is better than your own person. Even though the mathematics does not add up, they believed it and enforced it in Igala land. In the last election, many Igala people died in the spirit of enemuneme.
Prince Audu was a great leader. Forget about his weaknesses, in human relations. He had fundamental traits that attracted people to him. Till date, the political shoe he left behind cannot be filled. Prince Audu was a proud Igala person. He believed in the supremacy of Igala race, even among the bigger ethnic groups in the country. He sold Igala to the world. He was a visible face of Igala in the country. He made friends far and wide. He was a great Igala ambassador.
In national politics, Prince Audu was everywhere. As APP state governor, he was not constrained by the PDP federal government, under Obasanjo. He was always there when issues that concerned the nation was being discussed. He was a front runner in his party – the APP. He was not hidden.
One of his weaknesses was that he was not ready to compromise his view on Lugard House, which erroneously made his second home. He was ready to give his life for it. And he did. He promoted other people in politics, but never his children. It was one of the reasons why he attracted multitudes of people.
Today, how many of Igala politicians are in the mainstream of politics in Nigeria. Our politicians have exhibited uncouth lack of knowledge and timidity, when it comes to national politics. For example, there is no Igala person of note in All Progressives Congress (APC), in national politics. In PDP, there are people of note in national politics, but they are on the sidelines. They have no impact. They are probably there to represent themselves, not the people. They do not make friends that can benefit their people. They are inside multitudes, but they are lonely! They are hardly appointed into key committees, of the party..
That is why, for example, it was very easy for the national officers of PDP to manipulate the last senatorial primary elections in Kogi state, in the name of continuity. The NWC of PDP had no respect for any of the leaders of the party in the state. Such a thing could never have happened in APC in the time of Prince Audu. NEVER! Audu was the owner of APC in the state. In PDP, everybody is a leader; even a greenhorn in the party.
My mind tells me that if we are looking for political leaders from among our present politicians, we may wait for eternity. Nobody is ready to disown himself. They are seasonal politicians.
We were stripped naked by the loss of power in Lugard House, in 2015. The smaller tribes in the state have discovered that we are not as united as they thought. They discovered that a typical Igala man is very selfish and can sell his kinsman for a plate of pepper soup, in a blink of an eye.
Sad enough, we have leaders that are not leading anybody. We have leaders that are struggling to win their polling units, during elections. We have leaders that care only about their immediate families. We have leaders that are not reproducing their kinds, in terms of mentoring. We don’t have a mentoring system in Igala land. Every leader dies with his politics. No continuity plan.
Somebody told me a story of a Senior Legislative Aide of Sen. Smart Adeyemi, who later became a member of Kogi State House of Assembly. From what I learnt, Adeyemi put him forward and made sure that he won the election. At the end of his tenure, the state government made him a commissioner. Can we see that in Igala land? NO.
I was also told that the National Publicity Secretary of PDP, Kola Ologbondiyan was an aide of Sen. David Mark. When it was time to elect national officers of the party at the national level, he put him forward and he won the election. Today, David Mark has a very loud voice in the National Working Committee (NWC) of the party. How many Igala politicians can mentor their supporters to this point? NONE. In our case, we have banana trees without suckers!
Leadership is not gotten on a platter of gold. It is earned. Leadership is not about coming from big cities in Nigeria to contest election every four years, and return to your cocoon, after every failure. Leadership is not about buying nomination forms during election, printing posters, and erecting billboards.
Today, the names of Dr. Achema and Prince Audu still dominate politics in Igala land. Why? They etched their names in gold. They were not just community leaders. They were national leaders. Achema was a member of G-34 politicians that dared the late military leader, Sani Abacha in his self-succession bid.
How many of our people are prepared to be like Audu and Achema? I don’t know. How many of our politicians are ready to pay the price?
The sad development is that it is not getting better.
Features
Bruno Fernandes: Mikel Arteta credits ‘smart’ Man Utd captain for free-kick as Gary Neville says wall ‘too far back’
Mikel Arteta says Bruno Fernandes was “smarter” than referee Anthony Taylor over his free-kick that gave Manchester United the lead against Arsenal in 1-1 draw on Sunday; referee moved defensive wall 11.2 yards back; Gary Neville criticised Arsenal over incident
Mikel Arteta refused to criticise Anthony Taylor for sending Arsenal’s defensive wall too far back for Bruno Fernandes’ free-kick in their 1-1 draw but said the Manchester United captain had been “smarter” than the referee in taking advantage to net his fine strike.
Broadcast technology found Taylor marched the Arsenal defensive line 11.2 yards back, further than the minimum 10 yards required in the Laws of the Game, before Fernandes curled a dead ball inside the near post shortly before half-time.
“At the end of the day the referee is pushing them back too far, which is a mistake, but ordinarily you would sense you’re too far away and creep forward,” said Gary Neville on the Gary Neville Podcast.
“They didn’t do that and it ends up that Bruno Fernandes has the ability to play it over the wall.”
The United captain’s technique was superb but, like Neville, the Super Sunday pundits questioned whether his goal would have been possible had Arsenal’s five-player wall been closer.
Arteta refused to be drawn over the incident, only to congratulate Fernandes for making the most of the advantage he had been given.
“He’s been smart and he took advantage, that is football,” he told Sky Sports. “He’s been smarter than the ref. That’s OK, they allowed him to do it.”
Player of the match Declan Rice, who netted Arsenal’s equaliser after half-time, took the blame for the goal on himself and the other members of the Gunners wall, though he also felt it had been pushed too far back.
“It felt like a couple of us jumped and some of us didn’t, but I’ve not seen it back,” he told Sky Sports. “It felt like the ball flew over us at quite a low height so, from the wall’s perspective, we could have done a lot better.
“The wall did feel far back. Even on our free-kick, when Martin [Odegaard] took it, they felt far back as well, more than usual. But the referee makes that decision.”
After half-time, another free-kick from Martin Odegaard was being lined up when Taylor again appeared to exceed 10 yards when marking out where Man Utd’s defensive wall could stand.
As Neville had suggested Arsenal should do, Noussair Mazraoui questioned Taylor over the distance, while the wall itself crept forward before Odegaard’s strike – and did its job when his effort rebounded away to safety.
Manchester United head coach Ruben Amorim told Sky Sports he had noticed the issues with both free-kicks but had no intention of helping Arsenal out ahead of Fernandes’ opener.
He said: “It was clear, both free-kicks. So when it’s your free kick, you don’t say anything. When it’s the opponent, you try to push because it’s a big difference.
“It was fair, one for us, one for them. We had Bruno and he solved the problem.”
Man Utd midfielder Christian Eriksen, who has scored eight Premier League free-kicks, explained after the game the sizeable difference even 1.2 yards extra would make for a dead-ball specialist.
“It makes a very big difference,” he told Sky Sports. “When the ball is over the wall you don’t need to hit it as high – going down to statistics and how far they are back and how many metres and how they jump. So it’s easier and it gives Bruno a bit more space to put it over the wall.
“It was very good. It helped that the wall was about 15 metres away, so it was perfect for him to put it over.
“I saw it early [that the wall was a fair way back]. Even before the kick you could see how far back they were, and it was the same when they had it in the second half – obviously we were a bit angry with the ref [at that point] for putting us so far back after we saw that Bruno scored.
“But I think it was just beneficial to us.”
Alhaji Sule Lamido was born August 30, 1948. He is a native of Bamaina village, Jigawa State, and is known for his wide-level exposure in leadership. He attended Birnin Kudu school, for his primary education in 1955 and proceeded for his secondary education at the prestigious Barewa College, Zaria, Kaduna State.
Lamido embarked on a course in Railway engineering at the Permanent way training school, Zaria, Kaduna where he gained knowledge on the rail transport operations. Upon graduation from the Permanent Way Training School, Lamido started his career as a Quality Control officer at the Nigeria Tobacco Company in Zaria. He also worked in Bamaina Holding Company, amongst other companies in the country.
He also worked in Bamaina Holding Company, amongst other companies in the country. In 1992, Lamido ventured into politics, first in the second republic as a member of the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) where he was an active member. Lamido was also active in the third republic, as a member of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), and played a key role as the National Secretary in the party. The seasoned politician was also a delegate of the 1995 National Constitutional Conference in Abuja the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).
During the military regime of the late Gen Sani Abacha, Lamido was a member of the G-34 political movement which was a notable and powerful opposition group that shaped Nigeria’s fourth republic. After several years of the Military junta in Nigeria, Sule Lamido returned back to active politics in the fourth republic under the platform of the People’s Democratic Party.
He was appointed the Foreign Affairs Minister in the first four years of President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2003) at a time Nigeria had to reposition and redeem its image in the international community. As Foreign Minister he travelled with Former President Obasanjo across the globe, restoring broken relationships with the western bloc nations and opening new frontiers with countries like Japan, Russia, Brazil, China and Australia.
Other roles he played as foreign minister was representing Nigeria in the United Nations, G77 bloc of nations, Commonwealth of nations, Organization of African Unity and Economic Community of West Africa States. In November 2001, at the United Nations , Lamido described the corrosive impact of corruption on new democracies such as Nigeria, and called for “an international instrument” against transfer of looted funds abroad.
As Governor of Jigawa, Sule Lamido put the State on national scale with significant investments in infrastructure, healthcare, agriculture, housing & urban development, empowerment programmes, education, rural development and industrial projects. The elder statesman is also known for his capacity to build consensus across the nation.
By Abiodun Komolafe
It is a settled fact that Anthony Eromosele Enahoro (July 22, 1923 – December 15, 2010) was an outstanding product of Nigeria’s pre-independence era. Enahoro moved one of the motions for independence and there’s a lot for us to look at in the context of the life he lived and the political firmament that brought him up. Therefore, remembering this Father of Nigerian Nationalism is to reminisce about an era where courage and conviction were the
currencies of change.
As a pioneering journalist, politician and champion of independence, Enahoro’s unwavering commitment to Nigeria’s self-rule has left an enduring legacy that continues to inspire generations. His remarkable story is a testament to the transformative power of leadership, perseverance and the unrelenting pursuit of freedom.
Building on his legacy as a champion of independence, Enahoro went on to serve in various capacities, including as Minister of Information and Labour. He was later tried alongside Obafemi Awolowo and others for treasonable felony, a trial that became infamous in Nigerian history. Although convicted, Enahoro was later released and continued to play a significant role in shaping Nigeria’s political landscape.
Enahoro was an outstanding nationalist and a principled person, and this was evident in his involvement with the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO). Of course, there was no need for him and Alfred Rewane to have been involved in the struggle for the enthronement of democracy, particularly in the aftermath of the annulled June 12, 1993 presidential election won by MKO Abiola as they had too much to lose!. But they risked everything to fight for popular democracy, Although Rewane ultimately lost his life in the struggle, Enahoro was fortunate to have escaped the same fate.
Despite the risks and challenges, Enahoro remained unbending in his convictions, refusing to waver even in the face of adversity. As a gifted individual, he recognized that the issue at hand was not just about the violation of an individual's rights, but an affront to democracy and national sovereignty. He, along with Alfred Rewane and others fought for principles, not personalities. This commitment to principle was evident in their diverse backgrounds: Enahoro was a Christian from Uromi in Edo State, with Esan extraction; Rewane was a Christian of Urhobo descent from Delta State; and Abiola, whose rights they fought for, was a Muslim Yorubaman, from Ogun State. Unlike some NADECO members who howled with the wolves and bleated with the sheep for convenience, Enahoro was not
duplicitous. Unlike the crop of Janjaweeds who now populate our political landscape, he remained steadfast, refusing to compromise his values.
Olajumoke Ogunkeyede, a close ally of Enahoro, described him as “a man with a seriously fantastic sense of humour; Ogunkeyede, fondly called JMK, shared several instances of Enahoro’s ability to bring joy to those around him. His humorous takes on serious issues, such as the demons in Abuja, showcased his wit. Moreover, his clever commentaries, including his defence of now-President Bola Tinubu’s aspirations, and his ingenious use of allegories and analogies, like; Ogbuefi; and; Ogbueniyan’, collectively attested to the capacity of his wit and charm.
When writing about individuals like Enahoro, Rewane, Herbert Macaulay, Awolowo, Aminu Kano, Maitama Sule, and others, it’s essential to consider the context in which they lived. This context is bittersweet, as they represented an era where political activism was rooted in philosophical positions and guided by principles.
People during this time held strong convictions and were willing to make sacrifices for their beliefs. That’s why society was more orderly in their time, and it achieved proper sustainable development, unlike today where what we have is largely ‘growth without development’, to be polite, or, if we want to be impolite, ‘the development of underdevelopment’. Amidst this, our leaders continue to sing the same old, worn-out refrain while satiating a vacuous idolatry that elevates an ego bereft of substance, a hollow monolith that stands on feet of clay.
If we look at people like Enahoro and Adegoke Adelabu, their lives exemplified a paradox that underscored the tenuous relationship between knowledge and credentials. This was because, despite lacking university degrees, they possessed a profound intellectual depth that eluded many of their contemporaries who boasted an array of impressive certifications, forgetting that it is not the parchment that confers wisdom, but the depth of one's inquiry, the rigour of one's thought and the breadth of one’s understanding.
Enahoro became the youngest editor of Nnamdi Azikiwe's newspaper, the Southern Nigerian Defender, in 1944 at the age of 21 while Peter, his younger brother, became the editor of The Morning Star at the age of 23. The older Enahoro also worked with other publications, including Daily Comet and West African Pilot before parting ways with Azikiwe, whom he always referred to as his chairman, while Awolowo was his political leader. The reasons behind this preference are intriguing, but that’s a story for another time.
These early experiences laid the foundation for Enahoro’s later involvement with the Action Group (AG), a political party that shared his vision of ‘making life more abundant.’ Enahoro and the AG represented an understanding that the process of economic development must be structured and based on a philosophical thrust. In contrast, what is absurdly described as ‘politics’ today is terribly bad and basically transactional; and it’s driven by a cash-and-
carry mentality, where individuals seek to outdo one another in a chop-and-quench; political economy! No unity! No discipline! No structure! For them, any goose can cackle and any fly can find a sore place!
Looking at the plane, Enahoro’s life and career epitomized the complexities of Nigeria’s struggle for
independence and democracy. His life and work embodied the intersection of individual agency and structural forces that steered the trajectory of nations. As a prominent anti-colonial and pro- democracy activist, he played a pivotal role in the country’s transition from colonial rule to independence. The Adolor of Uromi and the Adolor of Onewa was a vocal critic of authoritarianism and a strong advocate for human rights. His perseverance in the face of resistance, setbacks and imprisonment demonstrates the dedication required to bring about
transformative change.
In moments of emotions and situations, we often discover our true strength and resilience. Enahoro has gone to the ages but his legacy continues to inspire, much like Abraham Lincolns. In simpler terms, he was a brave soul who dared to challenge the colonial powers. So, his legacy should serve as inspiration and role model for future generations, demonstrating the potential for excellence that exists within individuals and communities. In fairness to fate, Enahoro and his contemporaries were well-prepared for the liberation movement, thanks to their involvement in the West African Students Union (WASU) and their time at King’s College, Lagos. This institution, attended by Enahoro and Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, was a hotbed for political activism and discourse. To truly reboot, Nigerians must remember the personal histories of pioneers like Enahoro.
Today, we remember Enahoro, a pioneering figure who dared to dream of independence for Nigeria. We honour not only his significant contributions to Nigeria’s history but also his untiring commitment to democracy, self-determination and human rights. As we remember him and his dogged commitment to federalism and the quest for social justice, it is in our best interest to recreate the ethos and the spirit which created him and people like him.
May Anthony Enahoro’s spirit soar on the wings of eternal peace!
May his memory continue to serve as a testament to the enduring impact of individual agency
on the course of national history!
May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
*KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk)
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