Opinion
Governors are elected to pay salaries
It is not enough that the governor of Kaduna State woke up one morning to sack 4,000 workers. The government added insult to the injury by bragging that the governor was not elected to pay salaries alone. Apart from this being an unfortunate justification for the mass sack, it is also not an accurate statement. This poor justification is, therefore, both insensitive and inaccurate.
Let us deal with the inaccuracy first. Salary, in its broad understanding, is essentially a reward for work done for the benefit of others. It does not matter whether this work is routine office chores, a contract for a big project, or expert advisory (aka consulting) services. A big vendor (e.g. Julius Berger) will calculate the cost of delivering government contract work for the benefit of society and then add a margin that will be used to meet administrative costs, staff salaries, and dividends for investors. Those who sub-contract for the company will also add their margins for the same purpose – to get their reward for job done for the company for the benefit of the people. All of us, whether we work in the office or in the field, are, therefore, interested first and foremost in the compensation to be derived from the work we do for government as employees, vendors, contractors and consultants.
Without paying us the agreed compensation, work inevitably slows down or is halted completely. Certainly, the work will be shoddily executed as workers and contractors scramble to pinch funds they will use to meet the basic needs of those who do the actual work. If we think about it, a government that does not prioritize salary payments (in the form of compensation for work done, whether as a public servant or as a vendor) ends up as a failed administration. Whatever the Kaduna State governor considers as a primary responsibility of his government will come to a grinding halt, if there are no workers to execute them. There will be no workers to execute important government jobs when people and vendors are not hired with defined compensation packages to do them.
In well-organized workspaces, compensation does not end until the life of the worker. Compensation continues as pension when the worker retires. This is a mandatory task. Funnily enough, even politicians are keenly aware of this, which is why, after four or eight years of ‘serving’ the people, they connive with their houses of assembly to approve humongous pension packages for themselves! So, who is fooling whom? Every able human being works for compensation. Except for volunteer services, every work done, whether as a contract or a tenured job, is done by someone in search of compensation. Government workers, like contractors who execute capital projects, deserve their compensation. Therefore, paying workers should be prioritized and placed on the top of the list during the budgeting process because doing otherwise inevitably brings the wheels of government to a laborious stop.
Governors are primarily elected to manage rewards for work done for the benefit of the people.
We now turn to the sensitivity and sense of responsibility communicated in the governor’s press statement. Many people respect Gov. Nasir el-Rufa’i of Kaduna State a lot as an administrator, although too many others like his guts a lot less. Why do people admire the man? The Kaduna governor is a man of strong convictions who is not afraid to express and act on what he believes. He is also competent, focused and a policy wonk. As an administrator, he is not afraid to embark on reforms or take corrective actions when they are needed. Most of the time, those actions are warranted, some long overdue, and all in the overall public interest.
So, why do people hate his guts? The answer is simply because he takes no prisoners (his favorite expression when he served OBJ as minister). Quite often, his reforms and corrective actions are executed in a way that paints him as bad, wicked and impulsive. To make matters worse, he constantly gives the impression that he does not care what the public thinks about his policies, programmes, projects and actions – as long as he is convinced that he is on the right course. For someone who has so much assimilated the oyinbo way of doing things, how does he not see that this is a flaw in project management? Those he mimics will often accompany every project with a strategic communication plan designed to manage the expectations of key project stakeholders – in order to earn and sustain a good image for their projects and actions. The overarching goal of any project execution is to achieve a performance that not only demonstrates its utility to the people but is also seen and appreciated as such by the people. It is worrisome that this disregard for public opinion has become a character flaw that follows el-Rufa’i everywhere he goes. When he announced the sack of 4,000 civil servants and followed up with the quip that he was not elected to pay salaries only, I said to myself, “there he goes again.”
Yes, it may be the correct thing to do but why not show a little sympathy for 4,000 poor souls that are being thrown into the darkness of misery and want? The poor justification offered for dumping 4,000 public servants into the labour market (where there are no jobs) is one of the many examples that show that Governor el-Rufa’i has continued to carry a chip on his shoulder. This tendency nearly marred his tenure as FCT Minister. Recall that members of the National Assembly got so fed up with his obstinacy and arrogance that they attempted to ban him from holding public office for life! His self-inflicted enemies also dug deep to unearth what looked like nepotistic and grasping tendencies in FCT land administration. Were it not that he quickly jumped onto the Buhari bandwagon of 2015, el-Rufa’i would have been languishing in obscurity and irrelevance at this moment, a tragic ending for someone with his immense talents.
If you ask me, I will say that I agree with the principle behind the sack because the issue of dealing with redundancy in the public service has not only become necessary but is long overdue for redress in many states. For example, Kaduna claims to be spending over 90 per cent of its monthly federal allocation on salaries of public servants alone. This percentage, a spokesperson further said, “Does not include standing orders for overheads, funding security operations, running costs of schools and hospitals, and other overhead costs that the state has to bear for the machinery of government to run, for which the state government taps into IGR earnings.”
No state should carry this much burden as a tiny part of its recurrent expenditure. Thus, it makes sense to shed some of the excess staff baggage that Kaduna – and indeed all other states – accumulated over the years in the name of filling the unemployment gap. My problem is this: Although it does make sense to disengage redundant workers, but at what cost?
Over 4,000 Kaduna families have been thrown under the bus at a very difficult time in the history of the world. Let’s put this in context. The National Population Commission estimates the average nuclear family size in Kaduna at 5.3, which means that the state government has abruptly removed food from the table of at least 21,000 nuclear families. When extended families are thrown into the equation, the ripple effects of this action will affect almost 2.5 per cent of the population! Was this potential impact considered in the decision-making process? If yes, what contingencies, if any, were developed to ameliorate this huge negative impact? And why were they not communicated to gain public sympathy, rather than the insensitive claim that government does not exist to pay salaries only? If no, why was it not considered?
To be sure, there are creative options that Kaduna could have considered to manage the exit of this large number of its public service workforce. If the government is interested in collecting the over 30 legally approved taxes for the state and its 23 local governments, 4,000 persons could have been retrained to help the state improve on its meagre monthly tax harvest. With a projected adult population of 4.8 million and a monthly personal income tax collection of N496 million, it is assumed that each Kaduna State resident today contributes an average of N103 per month as personal income tax. Most residents are unable to pay tax because the state government has not expanded the economy enough to boost productivity and create real wealth.
Secondly, the governor must know that if Kaduna were to be a PLC, he as the chief executive would make every effort to find alternative employments, retain good staff on reduced salaries, and even sweeten the deal for those who may wish to voluntarily quit. At this moment, some state governments wanting to disengage workers are in a strong position to cut deals with them. In Kaduna State, there are ongoing programmes designed to benefit hundreds of thousands of citizens in the water, health, and agriculture sectors. Couldn’t the state have considered these workers as primary beneficiaries of some of the loans and grants from these programmes? I’m aware, for instance, that Kaduna is one of the six states currently benefiting from the Agro-Processing, Productivity Enhancement and Livelihood Improvement Support (APPEALS) Project, which targets 60,000 farmers in Kaduna alone.
In Enugu, one of the benefiting states, each beneficiary farmer is to get at least N1.8 million as a grant. This is just one example of the many projects that states could use to carry out a surgical operation on their bloated workforce. But will one be surprised that politicians will rather share this windfall among the party faithful, family members and cronies?
By Abiodun KOMOLAFE
The concepts of power, privilege and governance are complex and multifaceted. Power refers to the ability to influence others, while privilege denotes unearned advantages.
Governance encompasses institutions, structures and processes that regulate these dynamics. Together, these concepts raise fundamental questions about justice, equality and resource distribution.
It emphasizes the importance of considering marginalized groups’ experiences and perspectives. The main problem in Nigeria today is its political economy, which is rooted in rent-seeking and fosters a mindset that prioritizes patronage over production.
The country’s politics are characterized by a patron-client relationship, where everything revolves around government handouts rather than effective governance. This has led to a situation where “politics” in Nigeria is essentially a scramble for resources in a country with severely limited opportunities for self-improvement.
When French agronomist René Dumont wrote ‘False Starts in Africa’ in 1962, he inadvertently described Nigeria’s current state in 2025. Nigeria’s missteps have magnified themselves in the theatre of the absurd, such as the construction of a new vice presidential residence and Governor Chukwuemeka Soludo’s boasts about the lavish official residence for the governor of Anambra State, currently under construction.
It is to be noted in contradistinction that the newly sworn-in Prime Minister of Canada, Mark Carney, is looking for somewhere to live. The official residence of the prime minister, 24 Sussex Drive, the Canadian equivalent of 10 Downing Street, is in disrepair and uninhabitable. No Canadian government can dare ask the parliament to appropriate the $40m needed to refurbish the residence.
Canada’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) exceeds $2 trillion, while Nigeria’s GDP is less than $400 billion. Still, Nigeria claims to be a giant! With an electricity generation capacity of less than 6,000 megawatts, Nigeria’s proclamation seems absurd, especially when compared to cities like Johannesburg, Singapore, Hong Kong and Mumbai. Even Lagos State alone should be generating, transmitting and distributing at least 15,000 megawatts, which would be a basic expectation rather than an achievement.
Nigeria today needs a comprehensive overhaul of its governance crisis to build a new political economy and social services that are fit for purpose. Although the government is on the right path in some ways, a root-and-branch transformation is still necessary.
A notable breakthrough is the decision to recapitalize development finance institutions, such as the Bank of Industry and, crucially, the Bank of Agriculture. This move is significant in a rent-seeking state, as it addresses the need for long-term capital – a prerequisite for achieving meaningful progress.
The development finance institutions require annual recapitalization of at least N500 billion, ideally N1 trillion. Achieving this necessitates a thorough cost evaluation of the government’s machinery, starting with the full implementation of the Oronsaye Committee’s recommendations.
The resulting cost savings can then be redirected to development finance institutions and essential social services like primary healthcare. Furthermore, the government should be bolder, if it can afford to be so, especially since there’s no discernible opposition on offer At the moment, the Nigerian political establishment across the board appears to be enamored by the position put forward by the leader of the Russian revolution, Vladimir Lenin, after the failed putsch. Lenin wrote the classic, ‘What is to be done?’
His observation is that revolutions do not take place at times of grinding poverty. They do so during periods of relatively rising prosperity. Significant sections of the Nigerian establishment believe that relatively rising prosperity could trigger off social discontent.
In their own interest, they had better be right. The caveat is that Lenin wrote ‘What’s to be Done’ in 1905. The world has moved on and changed since the conditions that led to the failure of the attempted takeover of government in Russia in 1905. Therefore, the Nigerian political establishment, for reasons of self-preservation, had better put on its thinking cap. Addressing power and privilege in governance requires collective action, institutional reforms and a commitment to promoting social justice. Nigeria currently lacks a leadership recruitment process, which can only be established if political parties are willing to develop a cadre. Unfortunately, the country is dealing with Special Purpose Vehicles (SPVs) instead. It’s rare to find leadership in Nigeria operating political boot camps to recruit and groom youths for future leadership roles.
This might be why many young people have a misguided understanding of politics, viewing it as merely a means of sharing the nation’s commonwealth. Mhairi Black was elected to the British House of Commons at 20 years old.
However, the key point is that Black had started becoming involved in politics at a young age. By the time she was elected, she had already gained significant experience, effectively becoming a veteran in the field. In Nigeria, politics is often seen as one of the few avenues for self-fulfillment. However, the economy is stagnant, with few jobs created in the public sector and limited investment opportunities.
This is a far cry from the 1950s and 1960s, when political parties were more substantial. Today, it’s worth asking how many Nigerian political parties have functional Research Departments. Besides, what socialization into any philosophy or ideology do our politicians have? Similarly to former Governor Rotimi Amaechi, many of those who currently hold power are motivated to stay in politics due to concerns about economic stability.
Of course, that’s why the Lagos State House of Assembly has had to revert itself. It is the same challenge that has reduced the traditional institution to victims of Nigeria’s ever-changing political temperature. It is the reason an Ogbomoso indigene is not interested in what happened between Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola.
It is also the reason an Ijebuman sees an Ogbomoso man as his enemy without bothering to dig up the bitter politics that ultimately succeeded in putting the two families on the path of permanent acrimony. Of course, that’s why we have crises all over the place! May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419)
Byabiodun KOMOLAFE
Rivers State is now under emergency rule, and it’s likely to remain so for the next six months, unless a drastic change occurs.
If not managed carefully, this could mark the beginning of a prolonged crisis.
In situations like this, opinions tend to be divergent. For instance, some people hold the notion that the security situation and the need to protect the law and public order justified President Bola Tinubu’s proclamation of a state of emergency in, and the appointment of a sole administrator for Rivers State.
However, others view this act as ‘unconstitutional’, ‘reckless’, ‘an affront on democracy’, and ‘a political tool to intimidate the opposition’. When we criticize governments for unmet expectations, we often rely on our own perspectives and biases.
Our individual identities and prejudices shape our criticism. However, it’s essential to recognize that not all criticism is equal. Protesting within the law is fundamentally different from protests that descend into illegality. Once illegality creeps in, the legitimacy of the protest is lost.
As John Donne wrote in ‘Devotions Upon Emergent Occasions’, “Never send to know for whom the bell tolls.” A protest is legitimate when it aligns with societal norms, values and laws. But when protests are marred by violence or sabotage, they lose credibility. Without credibility, protests become ineffective.
Regarding the validity or otherwise of the emergency rule in Rivers State, it is imperative that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governors approach the Supreme Court immediately. They should seek a definitive clarification on whether the proclamation is ultra vires or constitutional.
For whatever it’s worth, they owe Nigerians that responsibility!May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
Abiodun KOMOLAFE,ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419 – SMS only.
Abba Dukawa
The political crisis began in December 2023, when Governor Fubara ordered the demolition of the state House of Assembly complex, which remains unrebuilt to this day. This act has effectively paralyzed the legislative arm, disrupting the state’s system of checks and balances.
The Supreme Court highlighted the severity of this situation on February 28, 2025, emphasizing the absence of a functional government in Rivers State and the executive’s role in collapsing the legislative arm, thereby creating a governance void
Additionally, recent reports indicate that militants have been vandalizing pipelines and issuing threats without any intervention from the state government, raising concerns about the state’s security and economic stability.Given Rivers State’s crucial role in the country’s economy, this situation necessitates urgent and cautious intervention from the federal government.Despite interventions from various stakeholders, including Tinubu himself, the crisis has persisted
.It’s worth noting that Tinubu is the third president to invoke Section 305 of the Constitution, after Ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo and Former President Goodluck Jonathan.
President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State has sparked intense debate about its necessity and potential motivations. During his nationwide speech, Tinubu warned that this decision could set off a chain of unpredictable events, potentially leading to radical ideologies and extremist tendencies.
Critics argue that Tinubu’s decision was unnecessary and politically motivated, particularly given his connection to Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, who is accused of being the “arrowhead” of the crisis. Some believe that Tinubu’s administration aims to remove Governor Fubara, perceived as hostile to the 2027 Tinubu/Wike project.Ultimately, the motivations behind Tinubu’s decision remain unclear, and its implications for Rivers State and Nigeria as a whole are yet to be fully seen.
Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has strongly opposed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State and his suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, and members of the Rivers State President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.House of Assembly. President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.
The NBA pointed to Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, which governs the procedure for declaring a state of emergency. While this section grants the President emergency powers, it does not allow for the removal or suspension of elected officials. The NBA stressed that the only constitutional method for removing a governor or deputy governor is through impeachment as outlined in Section 188.
Furthermore, the removal of lawmakers must adhere to electoral laws and constitutional provisions insisted that a state of emergency does not equate to an automatic dissolution of an elected government, and any attempt to do so is an overreach of executive power.
Also Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has strongly condemned President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State, calling it an “assault on democracy” that must be denounced in the strongest possible terms . Wazirin Adamawa argues that Tinubu’s administration is responsible for the chaos in Rivers State, either by enabling it or failing to prevent it. He emphasizes that the President should bear full responsibility for any compromise of federal infrastructure in the state, rather than punishing the people of Rivers State with a state of emergency.
Abubakar also accuses president Tinubu of being a partisan actor in the political turmoil in Rivers, and his refusal to prevent the escalation is seen as “disgraceful to the people of Rivers” The former Vice President believes that the destruction of national infrastructure in Rivers State is a direct result of the President’s failure to act, and punishing the people of Rivers State would be undemocratic.
In his statement, former vice president asserts that the declaration of a state of emergency “reeks of political manipulation and outright bad faith. He urges that the people of Rivers State should not be punished for the political gamesmanship between the governor and Tinubu’s enablers in the federal government. Other analyst believes that the situation in Rivers State, though politically tense, does not meet the constitutional threshold for the removal of elected officials.
For a state of emergency to be declared, Section 305(3) of the Constitution outlines specific conditions, including:
1. War or external aggression against Nigeria. Imminent danger of invasion or war. A breakdown of public order and safety to such an extent that ordinary legal measures are insufficient.
Other reasons for such decisions to be enforced are clear danger to Nigeria’s existence and Occurrence of any disaster or natural calamity affecting a state or a part of it. Where public danger constitutes a threat to the Federation.
Since the state of the emergency in Rivers state has been promulgation, political watchers questions whether the political crisis in Rivers State has reached the level of a complete breakdown of law that has warranting the removal of the Governor and his administration. Political disagreements, legislative conflicts, or executive-legislative tensions do not constitute a justification for emergency rule.
Had been the president remain filmed Such conflicts should have been resolved through legal and constitutional mechanisms, including the judiciary, rather than executive fiat.
A state of emergency is an extraordinary measure that must be invoked strictly within constitutional limits. The removal of elected officials under the pretext of emergency rule is unconstitutional and unacceptable.Tinubu’s administration decision to declare a state of emergency has been met with mixed reactions. Some argue that it was necessary to restore sanity to the state and ensure the country’s stability. Others,, believe that it was an unnecessary decision that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Was declaration for Rivers state is necessary or political motivation? President Bola Amed Tinubu is fully aware that the declaration of State of Emergency in a prevalent democratic system is not the solution to the self-inflicted crisis bedeviling the State.
What Tinubu needed most was to call Wike, his Minister of FCT, to order. The former governor Wike is the arrowhead of the crisis bedeviling the State.
Now what the president Tinubu decision for the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State was an unnecessary decision” that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Other views whether president decisions of keeping his ally, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, is worth jeopardizing Nigeria’s economy.The keen watcher of events regarded the decision as a display of unpardonable mediocrity and diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027.
Tinubu administration wants to use the excuse of the political instability and other security challenges in Rivers to remove Governor FUBURA from the POWER considered hostile to the minister of the Federal Capital Territory or TInubu/Wiki diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027 election.
During his speeches Mr. President, blaming only the state governor and House of Assembly for the crisis in Rivers State is like expecting one iron to make a loud sound – it’s unrealistic and ignores the roles of others, including the former governor and a cabinet member in your administration.
Let us not forget; The situation in Rivers state is indeed complex, with President Tinubu’s intervention aiming to restore order, but also raising important questions about the balance between federal intervention and state autonomy. Invoking a state of emergency to suspend elected officials is a drastic measure that may set a worrying precedent, especially if not handled carefully.
The appointment of a retired military officer as the state’s administrator also raises concerns about the militarization of a democratic government. This move may be perceived as an attempt to exert federal control over the state, rather than allowing democratic processes to unfold, the initial six-month period of emergency rule, with provisions for extension, could lead to prolonged federal control. This is why it’s essential to establish clear timelines and measurable objectives to ensure a timely return to democratic governance.
Some of the key concerns that need to be addressed include: The potential for abuse of power*: The suspension of elected officials and the appointment of a military administrator could be seen as an attempt to consolidate federal power.
– *The impact on democratic institutions*: The emergency rule could undermine the democratic institutions in Rivers state and set a precedent for future interventions.
– *The need for transparency and accountability*: The federal government must ensure that the emergency rule is transparent, accountable, and subject to regular review. Ultimately, finding a balance between restoring order and respecting democratic institutions is crucial. The federal government must tread carefully to avoid exacerbating the situation and ensure a peaceful resolution.
Dukawa public affairs commentator and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com
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