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Coup D’états and the conspiracy of ECOWAS Heads of State

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By Kingsley Benneth

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The Heads of State of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) may have metamorphosed into a cult to keep the region in perpetual bondage.

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The maladministration, obvious incompetence and nonchalance to employ a sane change of government by leaders of countries in the sub-region who are members of ECOWAS and who sit, dine and wine at the African Union and ECOWAS Head of State level, appears to be a subterfuge against the black man.

It would seem that the real coup plotters are not the soldiers in Mali, Guinea Bissau, Guinea and Mauritania (though no longer a member of ECOWAS), but the politicians with their expensive suits and head phones gathered in the hallowed chambers of ECOWAS buildings to discuss how to re-grasp the power they lost to adventuring nationalists.

The recent political upheaval in Mali and Guinea leaves no one in doubt as to the expediency of good governance.

Leaders across the continent have been quick to ask for a political solution to the debacles, barring the temptation of a quick military intervention with its attendant collateral damages.

What they however have shied away from asking for, from amongst themselves, is the need to use the opportunity of their positions as Presidents and Heads of Government of the continent to engender proper governance and improvement in the living standards of their peoples.

It is the President of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Court of Justice, Justice Edward Amoako Asante who warned of the dangers that the incidents in the two West African States portend grave danger to region’s march towards the consolidation of democratic governance in the region.

At a ceremony on 15th September 2021 held at the behest of the UN Association of Ghana (UNA-Ghana) to mark the UN International Democracy Day in Accra, Amoako Asante said that “the developments were ‘particularly disconcerting as it represents the latest affront to our effort at democratic consolidation in a region which has since 2002, experienced such disruptions in six Member States.”

In a characteristics bulk shifting associated with oppressors who don’t see the wrong in their actions, he likened the realities to be disruptions which “are indicative of a malaise with our approach to multi-party democracy, whose normative underpinnings such as zero tolerance for unconstitutional change of government, abolition of tenure elongation beyond the two terms of office, the conduct of free, fair and credible elections as well as the scrupulous adherence to the separation of powers are under threat.’

“As you celebrate the 2021 democracy day against the menacing shadow of the seeming unrelenting march of military adventurers to erode our democratic gains,’ the President said “ an opportunity has been created for those with a role in nurturing our cherished democracy to constitute themselves into a bulwark for its protection.

One is not surprised at such submission especially coming from an interested party who watched helplessly as President Alpha Condé, like his Nigerian counterparts in the likes of late General Sani Abacha and Chief Olusegun Obasanjo (allegedly), sought to perpetuate himself in power against the wish of the people.

Conde’ like his Nigerian replica, General Muhammadu Buhari (now President), exploited the legislature to his benefits.

President Buhari through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was quick to dispatch condemnation against the Coup d’etats in Guinea and Mali, in each case describing them as a violation of the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance and calling for the immediate and unconditional restoration of constitutional order.

In fact, regional heads of ECOWAS in their meeting in Ghana decided to freeze the financial assets and impose travel bans on the region’s latest forceful change of despotism- Guinea; by sanctioning the junta members and their relatives, and insisting on the release of President Alpha Conde and a short transition.

The Commission’s President, Jean-Claude Kassi Brou had boasted that “in six months elections should be held.”

The bloc also piled more pressure on Mali’s transitional government, demanding they stick to a schedule to organize elections for February 2022 and present an electoral roadmap by next month.

In all these, what this gathering of leaders has in common is the rife poverty, abuse of human rights and gross political and social injustice prevalent in their countries.

Take Nigeria for instance, the government of President Muhammadu Buhari has keenly watched, and in some cases, allegedly superintended over the massacre of innocent Nigerians for no other crime than for demanding good governance and social justice.

In a recent interview with a local television station, Arise News, President Buhari had unwittingly given credence to the event of October 20, 2020, when members of the Nigerian Army opened fire on peaceful EndSars protesters at the Lekki toll gate, killing 12 persons (according to a report by Amnesty International) in the process; when he alluded that they were marching to oust him from Aso Rock Presidential Villa.

Added to this leadership hemorrhage, a report by a local news media shows that between 2017 and May 2, 2020, Fulani herdsmen conducted 654 attacks, killed 2,539 and kidnapped 253 people in places across Nigeria.

Guinea Bissau Soldiers after military coup d’etat


It stated that the herdsmen assaults against farmers in Nigeria were “regular, systematic, targeted attacks.”

In the report, the author, José Luis Bazán, an independent researcher and analyst stationed in Brussels, Belgium, noted that “Nigerians are suffering widespread and systematic terrorist attacks by, mainly, Boko Haram, the ISIL-aligned Islamic State West African Province (ISWAP), Fulani militias and Ansaru.”

He pointed out: “The Global Terrorist Index 2019 published by the Institute for Economics and Peace, indicates that the primary driver of the increase in terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa was a rise in terrorist activity in Nigeria attributed to Fulani extremists: in 2018, Fulani extremists were responsible for the majority of terror-related deaths in Nigeria (1,158 fatalities), with an increase by 261 and 308 percent respectively from the prior year.”

The report noted that most of the “Fulani attacks were armed assaults” (200 out of 297 attacks) against civilians (84 percent of the attacks).
The document also indicates that in 2017, there were 99 attacks resulting in the killing of 202 people while 12 were kidnapped. In 2018, the attacks intensified rising to 245 resulting in bloodbath that caused 1,478 deaths.

The number of those kidnapped during that period rose to 29. Last year, 169 attacks, 524 killings, and three kidnappings were reported.

So far, in 2020 as of May 2, according to the report, there were 141 attacks, 335 people killed and 137 kidnapped.

But behind the figures, the document said the attacks, killings, and kidnappings were targeted at farmers who were “predominantly Christians.”

The report said, “Most of the victims are farmers (predominantly, Christians), but Fulani (predominantly, Muslim) have also attacked policemen, soldiers, etc.”

These attacks and the refusal or what it be said, inability of the government to address them stirred another monster in the South West and South East regions of the country where the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), and a group calling for a separate state for the Yorubas challenged as it were, the belated sovereignty of Nigeria.

Consequently, in the South East, lives were lost and public facilities cum private business vandalized and torched because of the apparent inability of the government to live above pedestrian tribal, economic, political and religious jingoism- elements responsible for the coups in Mali, Guinea and other Coup nests across the continent.

On the economic sphere, the World Bank in a latest report estimates that price shocks pushed 7 million additional Nigerians into poverty last year, an increase of nearly 10%.

On the loan fringes, Nigeria has never had it this bad as government crawls on all fours borrowing from every available lending institution.

Available records shows that the country’s external loan portfolio has risen by 366% since 2015, following President Muhammadu Buhari’s most recent request for fresh external borrowing to the tune of $4.054 billion.

The unfortunate fact is that a larger percentage of the money garnered from these borrowings have left no mark on the living standard of the people as data from the National Bureau of Statistics indicate that in 2020, 40% or 83 million Nigerians live in poverty.

If the World Bank’s income poverty threshold of $3.20 per day is used, Nigeria’s poverty rate will most likely stand at 71%.

According to the NBS record, the number of poor Nigerians exceeds the total population of South Africa, Namibia, Botswana, Lesotho, Mauritius and Eswatini combined.

Like Nigeria, Mali’s extreme poverty rate stands at 47.2% between 2011 and 2015, and 55 percent of Guineans live below the poverty line with very high unemployment rates.

Hunger also poses a serious threat, with 17.5 percent of the population experiencing food insecurity, 230,000 children suffering from moderate acute malnutrition and 25.9 percent of the population experiencing chronic malnutrition despite the over 11 years rule of President Alpha Conde’.

As it is in Guinea and Mali, so it is in Nigeria, Ghana and other parts of West Africa. Poverty, unpredictable political fortune created by greedy leaders, incompetent warlords in power, ethnic loyalists and religious fanatics have left the military with little or no option but to wade in to safe the country from further slide into menace.

Unfortunately, the ECOWAS Heads of State who are behind many of these woes turn blind eyes to the cry of the region until a forceful change of government is initiated.

Until ECOWAS and its brood of over fed leaders call themselves to order, and begin to like former South African President, Thabo Mbeki would recount, place a performance benchmark on one another, the era of military takeover of government in the sub-region may not be over.

In fact, the walk to freedom for Heads of State of ECOWAS begins with good governance, and purging themselves of the emperor and king-like mindset with which they administer their countries.

To manage the disaster they have so far created for the sub-region, a Special Court to try leaders where more than 5 % of the population of their countries lives below the World Bank/UN benchmark for poverty, should be created.

And the punishment should be stiff and brutal for those who among others things are found guilty of complacency, complicity and or incompetence which created political and economic upheavals in their respective countries.

joshuconsul26@gmail.com

+2348143413312

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Guest Columnist

Tinubu and the rhythm of restructuring

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President Ahmed Bola Tinubu

By Abiodun Komolafe

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President Bola Tinubu’s recent announcement to unbundle the Nigerian College of Aviation Technology (NCAT), Zaria, Kaduna State, into six geo-political zones is an important landmark in Nigeria’s journey towards true federalism and regionalism, which lies not in the constitutional or institutional structure, but in the society itself. This move will go a long way in addressing the historical imbalance in the distribution of national institutions as well as fostering a sense of belonging and inclusivity among Nigeria’s diverse populations.

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Ultimately, this development is a step towards addressing Nigeria’s deep-seated structural issues, which have been perpetuated by a centralized system. One can only pray that the president would also muster sufficient courage to extend this hand of fellowship to institutions like the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA), Police University and Nigerian Army University as this will not only promote regional balance, equity and fairness but also help reduce the concentration of military power in one area as well as promoting national security. The unbundling of the Law School, previously exclusive to the Southwest, serves as a precedent for this bold move.

It is obvious that, even with the valiant efforts of the Federal Government, economic reforms can only carry the country so far. There will always be a limit to structural dysfunction! In our own opinion, the current Tax Reform Bills, which every patriot should support, is a savvy move towards restructuring through the backdoor. Tinubu is to be commended for this! But, again, there will always be a limit!

Nigeria, in our opinion, was set back – by about 70 years or more – by the ill-advised, to put it politely, ‘suspension’ of the 1963 Republican Constitution. Thankfully, they did not go so far as to claim that it had been completely abolished or abrogated!

The Tax Reform Bills are to be commended for, in the spirit of the 1963 Constitution, they seek to move the country back to a federation, based on production. The Bills are a very mild exposition of the famous description of federalism by the 13th Prime Minister of Canada, John Diefenbaker, who told a group of school children that “Federalism means that you eat what you kill.” For us, this is still the best description of federalism as was reflected in the 1963 Constitution, and the constitutions which had preceded it, which was the spirit upon which Nigeria’s independence was negotiated, and given.

Nigeria until the suspension of the 1963 Constitution was one of the most balanced and productive in the world. It’s even an often-stated fact that the Eastern Region of Nigeria, under Chief Michael Okpara, was the fastest growing subnational of any country in the British Commonwealth. Tinubu, apart from his antecedents in the struggle for democracy, has already given us a glimpse through the Tax Reform Bills, that he is a federalist. Even for this singular effort, the Jagaban of Borgu already has a place in Nigeria’s economic history.

We must go back to the giant strides made between the 1914 amalgamation of the protectorates and the unfortunate events of January 15, 1966. Any cost-benefit analysis would show, without a doubt, that a political economy based on competitive federalism delivers the goods. By jettisoning this path, Nigeria squandered an opportunity which should have made it incontestably among the world’s top 10 economies, such as India and Brazil. By abandoning federalism based on production, Nigeria earned, starting from the first ‘oil shock’ of 1974, hundreds of billions of petrol dollars which did not translate into the basic industries which form the bedrock of a modern industrial economy.

Matter-of-factly, no country has achieved modern industrial development without a strong foundation in industries like machine tools, iron and steel, and petrochemicals. This is why, despite being laudable, Dangote Refinery will still rely on imported vital parts for replacement and servicing. Take, for instance, a thriving machine tools industry in Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State. If such an industry existed, it’s likely that at least 90% of the parts needed for Dangote and other industries would be sourced locally, leading to significant growth in Ijebu-Jesa’s size and economy. This, in turn, would have a profound impact on employment, revenue generation and overall well-being in the region.

It is worthy of note that the Constitutions of Australia, Brazil, Canada, USA, amongst others, mirror the 1963 Republican Constitution and they have not suffered for it. Clearly, either piecemeal, as part of the Tax Reform Bills, or Local Government Reform, or the establishment of Development Commissions, or the ‘inchoate’ Local Council Development Authorities (LCDAs), or wholesale, Nigeria’s journey towards true federalism requires a fundamental shift in its political culture, necessitating a return to the ethos and spirit of this Constitution.

By using guile and tactical astuteness, Tinubu’s historical role must be to go back to the modus operandi of the 1963 Constitution. In his own heart, he knows that there is no alternative to this! This is the only perfect storm that will stand the test of time. It is the only way to cure the Nigerian malaise which is based on lack of revenue. Without a brutally competitive federalism, the country cannot unleash the revenue streams so vitally needed for sustainable development.

A good example of our current quagmire is the sharing of FAAC for December 2024, which was approximately $2.7 billion. This figure is still a far cry from what a country of Nigeria’s size should be generating. Under a proper, productive base, Nigeria’s sharing of FAAC should conceivably be at least $3 billion a month, even in the worst-case scenario. This is underscored by the fact that Gauteng in South Africa has a bigger budget than Nigeria – while Nigeria’s budget for the Year 2025 is roughly $28 billion, Gauteng’s is about $43 billion. It is simply like Lagos State having a bigger budget than Ghana which is a sovereign state.

The critical issue here is for the Tinubu government, which we wish all the best, to accept the incontrovertible fact that economic reforms must be interwoven, going hand-in-gloves with the structural reforms needed in the political economy to make economic reforms sustainable. Otherwise, any future government can reverse the striking gains that will definitely come out of the present reforms, as we are now witnessing in Donald Trump’s America.

Yes, the president’s economic reforms are on the right path with quiet compassion. However, to ensure longevity and sustainability, structural reforms are crucial. For instance, Nigeria’s federal budget, which stands at around $28-30 billion annually for a population of 200 million, is alarmingly inadequate and heading towards social stagnation.

Well, that’s not to say that Nigeria’s restructuring efforts are not facing complex obstacles, including a lack of clear definition and consensus. To be honest, different interpretations of the concept lead to confusion, mistrust and resistance. Entrenched interests, power dynamics and insecurity also hinder restructuring. The political elite may resist changes that threaten their privileges, while the North’s dominance in politics and economy poses another challenge. To overcome these, establishing a clear and inclusive definition involving various stakeholders is essential.

Let me by way of conclusion state that Nigeria’s journey towards true federalism requires a fundamental shift in its political culture, and Tinubu’s thoughtful gestures are a significant step in addressing its deep-seated issues. This shift involves recognizing that power isn’t “a zero-sum game, where one group’s gain must come at the expense of another.” Instead, it is about ensuring that every Nigerian has a stake in the country’s future! It is about weaving the threads of a new life together!

May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

*KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk)

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Guest Columnist

NFF holds match commissioners’ seminar in Asaba

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All is set for the Nigeria Football Federation’s match commissioners’ seminar (southern conference) for this year, which is billed to take place at the Stephen Keshi Stadium, Asaba, Delta State on Friday.

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Chairman of the NFF Match Commissioners’ Appointment Committee, Alhaji Babagana Kalli, told thenff.com that the Chairman of the NFF Technical and Development Committee, Alhaji Sharif Rabiu Inuwa, will represent the NFF President, Alhaji Ibrahim Musa Gusau and declare the programme open on Friday morning.

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Former Vice Chairman of the Imo State Football Association, Sir Emma Ochiagha and Secretary of the NFF Match Commissioners’ Appointment Committee, Mr. Danlami Alanana are the resource persons for the one-day event.

Alanana disclosed that the objective of the seminar is to re-acquaint the match commissioners in the Nigeria National League (NNL), the Nigeria Women Football League (NWFL) and the Nationwide League One (NLO) with both the rudiments and the fine points of match reporting, and to also emphasize the high importance of credible match reporting, as organizers always rely on their match reports to take decisions in case of crises or controversies.

Last year’s southern conference seminar (the first of its kind) was held in Abeokuta, Ogun State, while the northern conference seminar took place in the city of Kano.

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The nomenclature error of Babangida’s administration in Kogi State naming

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Guest Columnist By Alexius A. Maiyanga

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One of the enduring legacies of the military juntas in Nigeria is the creation of States. First, the regions were replaced with 12 States in 1967 by General Yakubu Gowon and this was followed by another 12 States in 1976 by General Muritala Mohammed. Two States were created by General Ibrahim Babaginda in 1987 and nine more in 1991 and General Sani Abacha completed the exercise in 1996 with 6 States making the 36 States in the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

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In the 1999 constitution and under the General Provisions Part 1(3) (1), all the names of States are therein stated, which means nothing can be done except through legislative re-engineering. That is why this writer submitted all pertinent papers concerning this discriminating decision of Babangida’s government on 8th March, 2024 to the National Assembly for the amendment of the constitution regarding Kogi state’s name.

Notwithstanding, it is imperative to inform the wider audience of the entire Nigerians of the sins former President Ibrahim Babangida committed against the so-insulted peoples around the confluence of the Niger and Benue rivers hence, this short write-up.

When William Shakespeare asked the question, ‘what is in a name? in Romeo and Juliet, he referred to the idea that names themselves are a convention to distinguish things or people, although names themselves do not have any worth or meaning. Contrary to Shakespeare’s thinking, Africans attribute great value to names. That is why we have naming ceremonies because of the denotative and connotative weight it carries.

Additionally, African names are meaningful which means they are pathologically attached to our psyche and sensibilities. Thus, our names are an incredibly important part of our identity. They carry very deep personal, cultural, emotional and historical connections. Names also give us a sense of who we are, the communities in which we belong and our place in the world.

With studied realization and confirmed by Hausa Dictionary, the word ‘Kogi’ means RIVER. The word Kogi is also Chibchan Language of the Colombians. The kogi people of Colombia are almost entirely monolingual and maintain the only unconquered Andean colonization.

The pertinent question that has arisen is: which of the Kogis was the State named after by President Ibrahim Babaginda’s administration? People of the present area called Kogi are not Hausa-speaking people, consequently, the word Kogi has no cultural, social linguistic, economic, geographical, political, demographic attributes to the people and the area and therefore not consistent with the prospective/new nomenclature rightly being suggested.

This is tasteful in flavour with what President Tinubu was quoted to have said in Thisday newspaper of 25th June, 2024 and I quote: “We can’t achieve security, peace without dealing with historical injustices.” Calling us Kogites is an insult to the collective sensibilities of an informed Ebiras, Igalas, Okuns, Oworos, etc.

From my studies, the names of the 36 states in Nigeria, and just the names of the 50 States of the United States of America, stem from historical, geographical, and cultural influences. Some States are however named after a town in those states.

For instance, Abia State is said to be an acronym from the four groups of people in the State as at the time of creation in 1991 i.e. Aba, Bende, Isuikwuato, and Afipko. Taraba State is derived from Taraba River which traverses the southern part of Taraba. Adamawa State is named after Modibo Adama, a Fulani warrior who founded the Adamawa Emirate. Sokoto is a town, and it is the name of a Sokoto State. Same is Bauchi, Gombe, Lagos, Enugu, Kano, Katsina.
One of the prominent geographical features of the present area wrongly called Kogi State is where two great rivers Niger and Benue meet. The convergence of these rivers has produced one of greatest confluences in the world and the hugest in Africa. This amazing, breath-taking confluence is a prodigious economic potential that should not be hidden under any guise of naming a State.

Globally, tourism has become a sustainable revenue spinner competing favorably with the manufacturing sector. In 2018, Meseka et al in their profound research paper on Tourism Potentials of Lokoja, tried to situate the fact that tourism development is predicated on the availability of natural setting that can be explored and developed to ensure patronage of people for economic viability.

Lokoja is historical town in Nigeria of national significance. The first Governor General of Nigeria, Lord Fredrick Lugard during the colonial period ruled Nigeria from Lokoja. The old residence of this first ruler which today is a tourist relic could as well be referred to as the Nigeria’s first State House.

When Gombe, Kaduna, Kano, Kastina, Lagos, Sokoto, Bauchi, Kebbi towns were being named as States names, Lokoja town also existed with the following historical significances. Lokoja, to say the least, is the host of the great confluence of Rivers Niger and Benue, Mount Patti, Lord Lugard’s Quarters, Club 1901, the spot where the flag of the Royal Niger Company was lowered in1890, the Trinity School as the 1st School in Northern Nigeria, Iron of Liberty (the spot where slaves were freed, the cenotaph, the first prison yard in Nigeria.

Is it not baffling to an un-mischievous mind that Kogi state was rather given an un-inspiring name as Kogi which does not portray the huge economic potentials of the city of Lokoja? What on earth informed the hiding this behemoth economic wealth for the confluence of rivers Niger and Benue in the promotion of tourism, agriculture even during the dry season?

Nigeria is not the only country where States are created named even further renamed. Even countries have had names changed. Burkina Faso used to be called Upper Volta; Ghana used to be called Gold Coast and not too long ago, the spelling of Turkey has been changed to Turkiye; Nigeria has just reverted to the old National Anthem. Nothing therefore is cast in granite.

America has about 50 states and virtually all of them were created along with natural phenomena within that geo-political area. A few examples need to be cited here to justify our assertion and the unassailable reason why the State Kogi should be renamed CONFLUENCE STATE or LOKOJA STATE.

The State of Alabama is a name from an Indian tribe of the creek confederacy originally called the Alabamas or Alibamons, who in turn gave the name to a river from which the State’s name was derived. Alaska (Alakshak) is an Eskimo word, meaning peninsula or great lands. Arizona means arid zone or desert. Massachusetts is the first State to have an Indian name. From the Algonquin word, Massadchu-es-et meaning great – hill-small-place was derived the name of the state of Massachusetts. This is possibly because of the hills around Boston as seen from the bay.

The Nigerian constitution in Chapter 5. Part 1. Section 55 says the business of the National Assembly shall be conducted in English and in Hausa, Ibo, and Yoruba when adequate arrangements are made. If Kogi’s name is done by military fiat, the National Assembly should not continue that aberrational trajectory.

Thus, the nomenclature of Kogi was and remains a linguistic and constitutional mistake which should urgently be redressed because at the dawn of constitutional democracy, all decrees were automatically recalibrated into Acts of Parliament.

Through this piece, we call on the National Assembly to undo the injustice of President Babangida’s administration. Our consolation is that in a democracy, critical thinking, robust analysis, and informed debates are deployed by a National Assembly before durable decisions are reached, and we are deeply in that era.

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