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Attah Igala: Age long smooth succession process to Attah stool comes under pressure as heir apparent to the throne emerges

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By Ukpachi Egwudu

The tradition and process of succession to the throne of Attah Igala, the paramount ruler of the Igala people found majorly in Kogi State and at least seven other states in Nigeria considered one of the most harmonious in the country has once again been activated with the recent nomination of Prince Samuel Opaluwa Oguche, a retired civil servant as the new designate to the throne. Opaluwa of the Aju’ Ameachor Ruling House emerged at a conclave held by elders and stakeholders of the royal house which considered his candidature and that of two of his brothers, Prince Matthew Alhaji Oguche and Prince Ocholi Opaluwa.

In over 700 years of the history of the throne there’s never been any major discord in the process of selection. Except for a conflict which erupted in 1958 when the administration in the Northern Nigeria Province supplanted Prince Opaluwa Oguche, the father of the three contestants who had had completed the rites and rituals of ascension to the throne and was awaiting formal coronation. The colonial government instead turbaned another Prince from a different ruling house with no claim whatsoever to the stool at the time and imposed him on the throne. Even that conflict,it is generally conceded was extraneous rather than from any failure or dysfunction in the Igala traditional succession process .

Compared to even their immediate neighbors in Kogi State the Igala succession tradition remains a model for consensus and harmony. The paramount ruler of the second largest ethnicity In Kogi State, the Ohinoyi of Ebiraland for instance fought a protracted legal battle of 18 years from 1997 to 2015to retain his throne and was twice deposed- first by the State High Court and later the Court of Appeal before he was finally saved by the Supreme Court on the technicality that his challengers were out of time.

Also the Obaro of Kabba the third highest stool in the Kogi State Council of Chief has been mired in litigation since the new occupant was crowned in 2018.

In contrast however when the last Attah of Igala who joined his ancestors recently, His Majesty Idakwo Ameh Oboni II was coronated in 2013 despite fundamental issues of injustice raised by two ruling houses affected by the colonial government interference in 1958 the matter was amicably resolved without litigation.

A remedy that will permanently redress the injustice complained of was part of the the resolution that appeased the two ruling houses. The then Governor of Kogi State Capt Idris Wada assured the two aggrieved ruling houses namely Aju’Ameachor and Aju’ Akogu that a legislation will be enacted to secure their rights to the throne.

The Igala Royalty has four surviving ruling houses namely, The Aju’ Ameachor, The Aju’Akogu, The Aju’ Aku and The Aju’Ocholi. The stool is rotated among these four ruling houses in that order.

Prince Opaluwa Oguche the father of today’s candidates to the throne who was denied his crown was of the Aju’Ameachor stock. After his reign the Aju’ Akogu would have been next in line to the throne and then Aju’Aku before returning to Aju’ Ocholi the ruling house that produced Attah USMAN Ameh Oboni 1 , the King whose transition necessitated Oguche being coronated to ascend the throne. But instead the British procured the then Prince Aliyu Obaje, ignoring all traditions and customs particularly as it relates to rotation and coronation rites and forcefully installed him as Attah Igala.

Before Ameh Oboni passed away there was a frosty relationship between the monarch and the constituted authority in Kaduna. He stood up to the indirect rule system which subordinated his stool to other rulers in Kaduna and Sokoto. The Igalas deify the Attah their Priest-King who is considered infallible. The Attah does not bow to or before anyone. He is the ultimate King.

Oboni a young man who ascended the throne in his mid thirties and an illiterate reveling in the reverence he enjoys from his subjects could just not come to terms with becoming an inferior chief to be ordered around by any one. And he was believed to have willfully disregarded directives and orders handed over to him in the period of the Indirect Rule in northern Nigeria, to the extent that a decision was taken to depose him. But the Late Oboni perhaps the most popular Attah in contemporary history would not grant them the pleasure of subjecting him to the disgrace of deposition, he took the option of harakiri instead. Thus he died as an Attah forever securing the right of his lineage to royalty and preserving the dignity of the throne.

Analysts believe that the colonial administration was out to avoid having another Attah with the combative disposition of the Late Attah Oboni hence they cast their net far and wide to recruit an Attah with formal western education who would at least know that the era of sovereignty of tribal kingdoms had ceased. They believed that late Oboni didn’t recognize any authority on earth as superior to his throne.

This expedient decision of the Colonial Government made it impossible for the two affected ruling houses to vie successfully for the throne even when the imposed Attah Aliyu Obaje passed away after ruling for 54 years.

This was because of the requirements of traditional that made it imperative that only the direct son of a previous occupant of the throne could be enthroned as Attah. Opaluwa who was denied the throne and all his brothers who were children of Attah Oguche Akpa who reigned between 1911 to 1919 had passed away leaving only his own children and other grandsons of Oguche Akpa. Similarly all direct sons of Atabo Ijomi of the Aju’Akogu who ruled from 1919 to 1926 are no longer alive.
By that tradition grandsons could not aspire to the throne.

Thus the Government of Capt Idris Wada enacted legislation which amended earlier statutes that had codified the traditional qualifications for eligibility for the throne. The major amendment is that in the absence of a direct son of a previous Attah when it’s the turn of a particular ruling house grandsons of that house could be crowned. And where there are no more grandsons alive great grandsons could equally ascend the throne. Besides it restored the traditional rotational hierarchy to start from the Aju’Ameachor which is the first and also next in line after the youngest ruling house, the Aju’Ocholi.

The law titled the “Igala Area Traditional Council (Modification of Native Law and Customs) Order 2015… Procedure and Regulation for Selection and Ascension to The Stool of Attah Igala”reinforced the tradition of the process of selection which starts from the conclave of elders and stakeholders of the ruling house whose turn it is to produce a new Attah. A candidate nominated from the meeting of the ruling house going by the provision of that law will be presented to the three other ruling houses who shall jointly present him to the Head of the Kingmakers another first class traditional, called the Etemahi. The Etemahi and his body of Kingmakers shall meet and appoint the person so nominated from the family as the Attah Igala.

The Etemahi shall then inform the Achadu who is the traditional prime minister of the Igala Kingdom of the Appointment and he shall in turn forward the name to the Igala Area Traditional Council for onward transmission to the State Council of Chiefs and to the Governor for his approval.

The law provides that preference shall be given to the eldest son among the contestants.
The leveraging on the new law which awards them the first right in the rotation order, Aju’ Ameachor announced that after its meeting at the Ruling House Headquarters No 51 Inikpi Street Idah which is the home of the late Opaluwa Oguche, the choice of Samuel Opaluwa who is the eldest among the grandsons interested in the throne was made.

The convener of the conclave Prince Yahaya Etu, a former Police Commissioner and eldest member of the clan who announced the choice commended Prince Matthew Alhaji Oguche, a director in the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for his loyalty to the course of the royal house. Prince Oguche had announced his support for the nomination and urged his brother Prince Ocholi Opaluwa a Senior Customs Officer who was absent due to official engagements to equally support the family’s choice.

But the exultation that attended to the exercise is now rapidly giving way to apprehension and anxiety on the part of the Aju’Ameachors who last tasted the throne 101 years ago.
For a start when they sought to present their nominee to the other ruling houses, two of the three according to President of The Aju’Ameachor Descendants Association, Prince Agono Atodo became evasive.

Addressing the Achadu Atodo said the family later heard that some members of the Aju’Akogu and Aju’ Aku were individually making bids for the throne hence the reluctance of their ruling houses to perform their traditional and legal obligation of receiving the choice of the Aju’Ameachor.

Already there are reports that some persons have been submitting applications to the Head of the Kingmakers, His Royal Highness Abel Etuh, the Etemahi of Igalamela. Names of at least 10 persons were released in an online report as candidates who have submitted their applications to the Etemahi. Curiosly even the two younger Opaluwa Princess, Prince Ocholi amd Prince Matthew were reported to have submitted application. And also a great grandson named as Gideon Okoliko Opaluwa who is a Special Assistant to the Kogi State Governor Yahaya Bello is said to have also submitted application to Etemahi.

The others are :Usman Atodo- Aju Akogu clan;
Igono Adaji- Aju Ameacho; Ekele Atodo- Aju Akogu ;Adejoh Obaje,-Aju Akwu nIsah Achimugu- Aju Ameacho and Abdullahi Musa- Aju Akwu.

These turn of event is already endangering the harmony and concord that has been the hallmark of succession in the Kingdom since the first Attah a Wukari Princess by the name of Ebule Jonu established the dynasty over 700 years ago. There have been 27 Attahs produced already without record of any major dispute. There has been only one litigation over the Stool when Prince Oguche Opaluwa challenged the 1958 imposition of Aliyu Obaje . Even then he was prevailed upon to withdraw the case from Court by stakeholders of the Kingdom interested in protecting and preserving the sanctity of the institution.
The Aju’Ameachor are aggravated by this development and have reportedly commenced efforts to ensure that the throne is restored to the house.

The Etemahi asked by our reporter to comment on the legitimacy of his collecting applications from candidates contrary to the traditional practice and the provision of succession law declined comments.

However the handling of this seemly discordant tussle alien to the experience and record of smooth succession by the Kingmakers in the days to come will determine to what extent the sanctity and reverence of the Attah Igala Stool will ensure.

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Bruno Fernandes: Mikel Arteta credits ‘smart’ Man Utd captain for free-kick as Gary Neville says wall ‘too far back’

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The Arsenal wall was measured 11.2 yards away from the ball instead of the regulation 10 at the free-kick which Bruno Fernandes scored from

Mikel Arteta says Bruno Fernandes was “smarter” than referee Anthony Taylor over his free-kick that gave Manchester United the lead against Arsenal in 1-1 draw on Sunday; referee moved defensive wall 11.2 yards back; Gary Neville criticised Arsenal over incident

Mikel Arteta refused to criticise Anthony Taylor for sending Arsenal’s defensive wall too far back for Bruno Fernandes’ free-kick in their 1-1 draw but said the Manchester United captain had been “smarter” than the referee in taking advantage to net his fine strike.

Broadcast technology found Taylor marched the Arsenal defensive line 11.2 yards back, further than the minimum 10 yards required in the Laws of the Game, before Fernandes curled a dead ball inside the near post shortly before half-time.

“At the end of the day the referee is pushing them back too far, which is a mistake, but ordinarily you would sense you’re too far away and creep forward,” said Gary Neville on the Gary Neville Podcast.

“They didn’t do that and it ends up that Bruno Fernandes has the ability to play it over the wall.”

The United captain’s technique was superb but, like Neville, the Super Sunday pundits questioned whether his goal would have been possible had Arsenal’s five-player wall been closer.

Arteta refused to be drawn over the incident, only to congratulate Fernandes for making the most of the advantage he had been given.
“He’s been smart and he took advantage, that is football,” he told Sky Sports. “He’s been smarter than the ref. That’s OK, they allowed him to do it.”

Player of the match Declan Rice, who netted Arsenal’s equaliser after half-time, took the blame for the goal on himself and the other members of the Gunners wall, though he also felt it had been pushed too far back.

“It felt like a couple of us jumped and some of us didn’t, but I’ve not seen it back,” he told Sky Sports. “It felt like the ball flew over us at quite a low height so, from the wall’s perspective, we could have done a lot better.
“The wall did feel far back. Even on our free-kick, when Martin [Odegaard] took it, they felt far back as well, more than usual. But the referee makes that decision.”

After half-time, another free-kick from Martin Odegaard was being lined up when Taylor again appeared to exceed 10 yards when marking out where Man Utd’s defensive wall could stand.

As Neville had suggested Arsenal should do, Noussair Mazraoui questioned Taylor over the distance, while the wall itself crept forward before Odegaard’s strike – and did its job when his effort rebounded away to safety.

Manchester United head coach Ruben Amorim told Sky Sports he had noticed the issues with both free-kicks but had no intention of helping Arsenal out ahead of Fernandes’ opener.

He said: “It was clear, both free-kicks. So when it’s your free kick, you don’t say anything. When it’s the opponent, you try to push because it’s a big difference.

“It was fair, one for us, one for them. We had Bruno and he solved the problem.”

Man Utd midfielder Christian Eriksen, who has scored eight Premier League free-kicks, explained after the game the sizeable difference even 1.2 yards extra would make for a dead-ball specialist.

“It makes a very big difference,” he told Sky Sports. “When the ball is over the wall you don’t need to hit it as high – going down to statistics and how far they are back and how many metres and how they jump. So it’s easier and it gives Bruno a bit more space to put it over the wall.

“It was very good. It helped that the wall was about 15 metres away, so it was perfect for him to put it over.

“I saw it early [that the wall was a fair way back]. Even before the kick you could see how far back they were, and it was the same when they had it in the second half – obviously we were a bit angry with the ref [at that point] for putting us so far back after we saw that Bruno scored.

“But I think it was just beneficial to us.”

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Sule Lamido: Statesman, bridge builder

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Former Governor of Jigawa State, Alhaji Sule Lamido

Alhaji Sule Lamido was born August 30, 1948. He is a native of Bamaina village, Jigawa State, and is known for his wide-level exposure in leadership. He attended Birnin Kudu school, for his primary education in 1955 and proceeded for his secondary education at the prestigious Barewa College, Zaria, Kaduna State.

Lamido embarked on a course in Railway engineering at the Permanent way training school, Zaria, Kaduna where he gained knowledge on the rail transport operations. Upon graduation from the Permanent Way Training School, Lamido started his career as a Quality Control officer at the Nigeria Tobacco Company in Zaria. He also worked in Bamaina Holding Company, amongst other companies in the country.

He also worked in Bamaina Holding Company, amongst other companies in the country. In 1992, Lamido ventured into politics, first in the second republic as a member of the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) where he was an active member. Lamido was also active in the third republic, as a member of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), and played a key role as the National Secretary in the party. The seasoned politician was also a delegate of the 1995 National Constitutional Conference in Abuja the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

During the military regime of the late Gen Sani Abacha, Lamido was a member of the G-34 political movement which was a notable and powerful opposition group that shaped Nigeria’s fourth republic. After several years of the Military junta in Nigeria, Sule Lamido returned back to active politics in the fourth republic under the platform of the People’s Democratic Party.

He was appointed the Foreign Affairs Minister in the first four years of President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2003) at a time Nigeria had to reposition and redeem its image in the international community. As Foreign Minister he travelled with Former President Obasanjo across the globe, restoring broken relationships with the western bloc nations and opening new frontiers with countries like Japan, Russia, Brazil, China and Australia.

Other roles he played as foreign minister was representing Nigeria in the United Nations, G77 bloc of nations, Commonwealth of nations, Organization of African Unity and Economic Community of West Africa States. In November 2001, at the United Nations , Lamido described the corrosive impact of corruption on new democracies such as Nigeria, and called for “an international instrument” against transfer of looted funds abroad.

As Governor of Jigawa, Sule Lamido put the State on national scale with significant investments in infrastructure, healthcare, agriculture, housing & urban development, empowerment programmes, education, rural development and industrial projects. The elder statesman is also known for his capacity to build consensus across the nation.

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Remembering Anthony Enahoro

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By Abiodun Komolafe

It is a settled fact that Anthony Eromosele Enahoro (July 22, 1923 – December 15, 2010) was an outstanding product of Nigeria’s pre-independence era. Enahoro moved one of the motions for independence and there’s a lot for us to look at in the context of the life he lived and the political firmament that brought him up. Therefore, remembering this Father of Nigerian Nationalism is to reminisce about an era where courage and conviction were the
currencies of change.

As a pioneering journalist, politician and champion of independence, Enahoro’s unwavering commitment to Nigeria’s self-rule has left an enduring legacy that continues to inspire generations. His remarkable story is a testament to the transformative power of leadership, perseverance and the unrelenting pursuit of freedom.

Building on his legacy as a champion of independence, Enahoro went on to serve in various capacities, including as Minister of Information and Labour. He was later tried alongside Obafemi Awolowo and others for treasonable felony, a trial that became infamous in Nigerian history. Although convicted, Enahoro was later released and continued to play a significant role in shaping Nigeria’s political landscape. 

Enahoro was an outstanding nationalist and a principled person, and this was evident in his involvement with the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO). Of course, there was no need for him and Alfred Rewane to have been involved in the struggle for the enthronement of democracy, particularly in the aftermath of the annulled June 12, 1993 presidential election won by MKO Abiola as they had too much to lose!. But they risked everything to fight for popular democracy, Although Rewane ultimately lost his life in the struggle, Enahoro was fortunate to have escaped the same fate.

Despite the risks and challenges, Enahoro remained unbending in his convictions, refusing to waver even in the face of adversity. As a gifted individual, he recognized that the issue at hand was not just about the violation of an individual's rights, but an affront to democracy and national sovereignty. He, along with Alfred Rewane and others fought for principles, not personalities. This commitment to principle was evident in their diverse backgrounds: Enahoro was a Christian from Uromi in Edo State, with Esan extraction; Rewane was a Christian of Urhobo descent from Delta State; and Abiola, whose rights they fought for, was a Muslim Yorubaman, from Ogun State. Unlike some NADECO members who howled with the wolves and bleated with the sheep for convenience, Enahoro was not
duplicitous. Unlike the crop of Janjaweeds who now populate our political landscape, he remained steadfast, refusing to compromise his values.

Olajumoke Ogunkeyede, a close ally of Enahoro, described him as “a man with a seriously fantastic sense of humour; Ogunkeyede, fondly called JMK, shared several instances of Enahoro’s ability to bring joy to those around him. His humorous takes on serious issues, such as the demons in Abuja, showcased his wit. Moreover, his clever commentaries, including his defence of now-President Bola Tinubu’s aspirations, and his ingenious use of allegories and analogies, like; Ogbuefi; and; Ogbueniyan’, collectively attested to the capacity of his wit and charm.

When writing about individuals like Enahoro, Rewane, Herbert Macaulay, Awolowo, Aminu Kano, Maitama Sule, and others, it’s essential to consider the context in which they lived. This context is bittersweet, as they represented an era where political activism was rooted in philosophical positions and guided by principles.

People during this time held strong convictions and were willing to make sacrifices for their beliefs. That’s why society was more orderly in their time, and it achieved proper sustainable development, unlike today where what we have is largely ‘growth without development’, to be polite, or, if we want to be impolite, ‘the development of underdevelopment’. Amidst this, our leaders continue to sing the same old, worn-out refrain while satiating a vacuous idolatry that elevates an ego bereft of substance, a hollow monolith that stands on feet of clay.

If we look at people like Enahoro and Adegoke Adelabu, their lives exemplified a paradox that underscored the tenuous relationship between knowledge and credentials. This was because, despite lacking university degrees, they possessed a profound intellectual depth that eluded many of their contemporaries who boasted an array of impressive certifications, forgetting that it is not the parchment that confers wisdom, but the depth of one's inquiry, the rigour of one's thought and the breadth of one’s understanding.

Enahoro became the youngest editor of Nnamdi Azikiwe's newspaper, the Southern Nigerian Defender, in 1944 at the age of 21 while Peter, his younger brother, became the editor of The Morning Star at the age of 23. The older Enahoro also worked with other publications, including Daily Comet and West African Pilot before parting ways with Azikiwe, whom he always referred to as his chairman, while Awolowo was his political leader. The reasons behind this preference are intriguing, but that’s a story for another time.

These early experiences laid the foundation for Enahoro’s later involvement with the Action Group (AG), a political party that shared his vision of ‘making life more abundant.’ Enahoro and the AG represented an understanding that the process of economic development must be structured and based on a philosophical thrust. In contrast, what is absurdly described as ‘politics’ today is terribly bad and basically transactional; and it’s driven by a cash-and-
carry mentality, where individuals seek to outdo one another in a chop-and-quench; political economy! No unity! No discipline! No structure! For them, any goose can cackle and any fly can find a sore place!

Looking at the plane, Enahoro’s life and career epitomized the complexities of Nigeria’s struggle for
independence and democracy. His life and work embodied the intersection of individual agency and structural forces that steered the trajectory of nations. As a prominent anti-colonial and pro- democracy activist, he played a pivotal role in the country’s transition from colonial rule to independence. The Adolor of Uromi and the Adolor of Onewa was a vocal critic of authoritarianism and a strong advocate for human rights. His perseverance in the face of resistance, setbacks and imprisonment demonstrates the dedication required to bring about
transformative change.

In moments of emotions and situations, we often discover our true strength and resilience. Enahoro has gone to the ages but his legacy continues to inspire, much like Abraham Lincolns. In simpler terms, he was a brave soul who dared to challenge the colonial powers. So, his legacy should serve as inspiration and role model for future generations, demonstrating the potential for excellence that exists within individuals and communities. In fairness to fate, Enahoro and his contemporaries were well-prepared for the liberation movement, thanks to their involvement in the West African Students Union (WASU) and their time at King’s College, Lagos. This institution, attended by Enahoro and Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, was a hotbed for political activism and discourse. To truly reboot, Nigerians must remember the personal histories of pioneers like Enahoro.

Today, we remember Enahoro, a pioneering figure who dared to dream of independence for Nigeria. We honour not only his significant contributions to Nigeria’s history but also his untiring commitment to democracy, self-determination and human rights. As we remember him and his dogged commitment to federalism and the quest for social justice, it is in our best interest to recreate the ethos and the spirit which created him and people like him.
May Anthony Enahoro’s spirit soar on the wings of eternal peace!

May his memory continue to serve as a testament to the enduring impact of individual agency
on the course of national history!

May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

*KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk)

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