Opinion
An editorial and the burdens of the core North

By Chris Gyang

Will they keep on desperately clinging to power even as it continues to be a blight on them? Will it not eternally signpost their hankering after raw political power, undiluted by the profound essences of responsibility, the milk of human kindness, honour, good character and conscience, equity, integrity and sacrifice?

Unlike the Daily Trust newspapers, the core north’s political and religious elite and their accomplices in the Middle Belt and other parts of Nigeria, we shall not gloat, white wash or side-step essential truths about the shedding of the blood of innocent Nigerians based on primordial ethnic and religious sentiments. The lives of all human beings matter to us – Muslims and arna (infidels) alike.
In a recent article, the iconic Dan Agbese focused on the belief among the Hausa/Fulani that politics is the main industry in northern Nigeria. He quoted the late Yusuf Maitama Sule to highlight this point: “The northerners are endowed… with leadership qualities. The Yoruba man knows how to earn a living and has diplomatic qualities. The Igbo is gifted in commerce, trade… God so created us individually for a purpose. Others are created as kings, servants. We all need each other. If there are no followers, a king will not exist.”
Mr. Agbese explained that the statement was “an attempt to promote the right of the north, for which read, Hausa/Fulani, to rule….” Now, for the sake of clarity, see what Justice Niki Tobi said about the ‘Hausa/Fulani’ nomenclature: “The expression Hausa-Fulani is a double barrel coinage of relatively recent history, a nomenclature aimed essentially at achieving political, economic and religious ambition and relevance. The expression Hausa/Fulani in our view does not have any historical, cultural and even ancestral meaning or relevance. There is no tribe in Nigeria called Hausa-Fulani and the expression has no background in the culture and sociology of the two distinct Nigerian tribes.”
The ace journalist argued that this notion of the right to rule “has sat on the psyche of the north for so long that it has gradually acquired something close to divine imprimatur.” He, however, pointed out that this industry is “… nurtured by a warped psyche and sustained by a political engineering that has put the north at the head but left it hollow.” This is because, “Power, political power, matters to the north because it is the only thing that matters.”
Of course it is this mind-set that inspired Hakeem Baba-Ahmed of the Arewa Consultative Forum to make this provocative declaration in October 2021: “We will lead Nigeria the way we have led Nigeria before, whether we are president or vice president, we will lead Nigeria…. Why should we accept second class position when we know we can buy form and contest for first class and we will win….”
Does Baba-Ahmed’s ‘second class … first class’ postulation here have any parallels with the legendary Maitama Sule’s theory of ‘kings… servants… followers’? Both men, scions of the core north’s political establishment, believe that their region possesses the God-given right to eternally rule Nigeria (as first class citizens and kings) even at the expense of the rest of us (the second class citizens, servants and followers).
But Agbese asked the fundamental question that is always anathema to the core north’s political and religious elite: “what has the north done with [the] power?” This is one of the issues the Daily Trust newspaper editorial of December 12, 2021, deliberately failed to address. This is because the tabloid has been at the forefront of inspiring, espousing and disseminating the ideals of the core north’s dominant elites which it serves as a mouthpiece.
These elites have dominated political power for most of Nigeria’s post-independence period but used it mainly for their own selfish aims while the majority of the people have been left to wallow in abject poverty and want. It is this parlous state of affairs that is partly responsible for the kind of violence being experienced in most of Nigeria’s North Western today.
Hear Mr. Agbese: “… politics as a northern industry is a failed industry…. It offers seasonal employment to young men as political thugs in election seasons. When the elections are over, the job ends and young men find themselves right back where they were until another election season rolls by.”
It is also worthy of note that some of these young men the politicians had recruited as political thugs and under-aged voters have become today’s dare devil bandits, kidnappers, rapists, terrorists and vagabonds making life a living hell for the poor masses of the core north who have themselves been at the receiving end of their politicians’ greed since independence.
However, it must be pointed out that because it has failed woefully in the core north does not make politics an entirely repulsive venture. As Bishop Kukah explained, “The banditry going on in Nigeria is a sin against the nobility of politics as a vocation.” And as Agbese so poignantly pointed out above, it is the attitude and character of the northern politician that has made politics so disastrous to the geographical north.
Nevertheless, some northern youth, under the umbrella of the Arewa Concerned Civil Society Organisations of Nigeria, appear to have realised the futility continually clinging to political power. In a statement issued on December 10, 2021, the organisation regretted that both the current and past leaders from the region “have failed to meet up with the expectations of our people, and have continued to betray our trust, confidence, and respect for them.”
They proposed that the next president should come from those other parts of the country that have not occupied the office in the past “to further promote fairness, equity, unity or oneness of the country.”
“Our Northern region today has been reduced to a human abattoir, to say the least, where all communities have been converted to a mass grave due to the failure of government at all levels,” they declaimed.
But in the core north, which is still largely feudal in character, it is the religious and political elite that always have the final say on such critical political matters. Consequently, these voices calling for power shift may as well have no effect in the final analysis. In any case, critics say that these youth may only be blowing hot air as they have shown a penchant towards conservatism over the years just like their forebears. Their response to the popular youth movement, #EndSARS, which they massively boycotted, is a case in point.
But as it has become a matter of policy for Daily Trust and the core northern power elite, killings carried out by Fulani herdsmen in the same Kaduna State were deliberately omitted from that editorial simply because the victims have mainly been Christians of Southern Kaduna origin. As a matter of fact, almost within the same period the editorial focused on, 36 people were massacred at Ma-Doo, in Mabushi Chiefdom, by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
Soon after, Rev. Silas Ali of the Evangelical Church Winning All (ECWA), was murdered about a kilometre from Zango town by people suspected to be Hausa-Fulani settlers of Zangon Kataf. Sources said that, between November 4 and 12, 2021, about 26 people were killed in cold blood in nine different villages across Atyap Chiefdom.
And on the same December 6, 2021, when 23 commercial bus passengers were burnt in broad day light at Sabon Birni Sokoto State, 3 people were killed and several houses set on fire by suspected Fulani herdsmen in Chibwok village. On the whole, within a couple of months, not less than 59 people were brutally murdered by suspected Fulani herdsmen in these areas alone. Even these are just a tip of the iceberg as Southern Kaduna has consistently been under siege from armed Fulani herdsmen which both the Kaduna State Government and the Buhari administration have chosen to ignore for obvious reasons.
But these spates of orgiastic mayhem did not just start in 2021. On December 24 and 25 2016, Fulani herdsmen attacked and destroyed Goska village in Kaninkon Kingdom of Southern Kaduna during which about a hundred locals were massacred and many others maimed and wounded. This heinous crime took place when a 24-hour curfew imposed by the state government was in force.
Now, back to 2021, on July 13, the Southern Kaduna Peoples Union, SOKAPU, spokesman, Luka Binniyat, disclosed in a statement that “in the past 6 days, at least 33 Atyap natives of Zangon Kataf Area were massacred, 4 churches burnt and 215 homes burnt by assailants always identified as armed herdsmen in a genocidal campaign that became so intensive since 2016.”
DAILY POST reported that SOKAPU condemned what it described as “this wicked act and the complicit silence and inaction of government from taking steps to bring the perpetrators and their leaders to justice.”
According to the online publication, the Atyap people had consistently accused the Hausa settlers of the Zangon Kataf semi urban town of “harbouring killer herdsmen, lamenting that, yet, no authority has done anything about it.”
Corroborating this, a Hausa Christians’ organisation recently made this declaration, to which we shall return later: “When lives and property were killed and destroyed in different communities in Plateau State, Benue and Southern Kaduna, many Northern Muslims and their leaders rejoiced publicly. The life of a Fulani terrorist is considered more valuable and sacred than the life of any saint anywhere in Northern Nigeria. The government of the day and the leadership of the Fulani Miyetti Allah have sponsored so much propaganda, both locally and internationally, to support the killing spree of the Fulani terrorists.”
That is why the Daily Trust editorial did not find it morally and professionally right to mention these atrocities being committed against the Christian minorities of Southern Kaduna and elsewhere in Nigeria’s geographical north. Yet it accused Mr. Buhari, whose nepotism, tribalism and religious bigotry (some of the underlying causes of the current state of lawlessness sweeping across the country) they have propped since he became president in 2015, of not showing enough emotional response for “the unending recurrence of … gruesome attacks, and the helplessness and haplessness of the [north west] victims….” What hypocrisy! What is the difference between the attitude of the Buhari administration and that of the Daily Trust regarding such matters?
It is the double standards of the Buhari administration that makes many Nigerians feel that his government is not totally committed to fighting jihadi insurgency and other forms of violence that have become bugbears to the country. This is because, first, some of its key officials and closest religious allies have been known to openly support extremist Islamist views that tend towards terrorism. Second, Mr. Buhari’s government has refused to expose the sponsors and supporters of terrorism in the country despite the fact that it has confirmed that it knows such persons/organisations. But it did not take the administration any dithering to declare IPOB a terrorist organisation and deployed its massive financial, intelligence, diplomatic and military might in arresting Nnamdi Kanu and seeking the extradition of Sunday Igboho from Benin Republic to Nigeria.
It is this same Daily Trust that came out with the screaming banner headline – IRIGWE YOUTHS KILL 25 FULANI TRAVELERS IN JOS, OVER 50 MISSING – on August 15, 2021, when in fact, as it later turned out, these youth were not responsible for that incident. On December 4, 2021, three Plateau State ethnic nationalities wrote an SOS petition to the governor in which they revealed that not less than 102 communities in the state had been sacked and were being forcibly occupied by armed Fulani herdsmen. They appealed to the state government to “immediately issue evacuation orders to all illegal occupiers and users of land, dams, ponds, streams, homes and other properties in all the affected communities.”
Yet, Daily Trust has hardly conceded the fact that Fulani herdsmen have been committing atrocities all over Plateau State and other parts of the Middle Belt. The closest they ever come to accepting this fact is when they resort to that calculated, deceptive, narrative of describing this genocide against indigenous peoples as ‘herder/farmer clashes’.
Surprisingly, the newspaper was miffed that the President did not deem it fit to personally condole with the victims of the attacks but chose to be “in attendance at a book launch of a party chieftain in Lagos,” in South West Nigeria. Of course, President Buhari must suddenly develop compassion towards the victims in the core north because, as the editorial argued many times, he was “voted en masse five times by the same populace.”
Even when Buhari has consistently shown an abiding lack of concern, disdain, for victims of such attacks in other parts of the country in the past, he must now “genuinely demonstrate that he feels the silent anguish of hundreds of communities and thousands of citizens everywhere across the north and the country at large….”
On the night of March 7, 2018, the same president was in Jos after a two-day official visit when innocent citizens were killed by suspected Fulani herdsmen in Bokkos and Bassa LGAs. The next day he flew out of Jos, the Plateau State capital, without he or his host, Governor Lalong, saying anything about the murders. Is Daily Trust only beginning to realise that this oftentimes aloof leader hardly shows compassion, empathy for the sufferings of Nigerians? You say he contested for the presidency a record four times. But was this persistence borne out of a genuine desire to make sacrifices for the general good of Nigerians or to simply prove the point that he could actually become president, against all odds?
Furthermore, this perception that Mr. Buhari must show compassion towards his fellow Fulani/Muslims while doing otherwise to other Nigerians reinforces the belief that he is actually the ‘president of the core north’, minus other Nigerians.
On October 13, 2017, the then World Bank President, Jim Yong Kim, made this revelation: “In my very first meeting with President Buhari, he said specifically that he would like us to shift our focus to the northern region of Nigeria and we’ve done that. Now, it has been very difficult. The work there has been very, very difficult.” Before that, Mr. Buhari had declared that most of his projects would go to the core north which gave him the largest chunk of the votes that won him the Presidency.
This nepotism has largely underscored the president’s policies with the active connivance of core northern institutions such as Daily Trust. Consider these three phrases which occured in three different parts of that editorial: “…citizens everywhere across the north and country at large… and elsewhere across mostly northern Nigeria… in the north or elsewhere in the country….”
These are the closest the editorial got to specifically referring to other parts of the country that have been ravaged by Fulani herdsmen’s attacks for quite some time now. In fact, Benue State has been one of the epicentres of this deliberate Fulani expansionism. They massacred 73 indigenes of Logo and Guma LGAs on January 1, 2018. This is only one case in point. These attacks have continued without the Buhari administration doing much to curb them.
Analysts have posited that the northern political establishment has consistently refused to sufficiently address the Fulani herdsmen’s scorched earth campaigns against indigenous/minority communities of Central Nigeria. And the fact that the 2015 Global Terrorism Index (GTI) rated Nigeria’s Fulani herdsmen as the fourth deadliest terror group in the world has not moved the Buhari administration into appropriately designating them a terrorist organisation.
As we have pointed out many times before, had the Buhari government and the northern power block, of which Daily Trust is an integral part, humanely and in all honesty addressed the monumental atrocities Fulani herdsmen have been inflicting on the indigenous peoples of Central Nigeria and other parts of the country, the mayhem currently unfolding in the core northern states would not have reached such a monumental scale. By allowing armed Fulani herdsmen have a field day in other parts of the country unabated, the core north was tacitly making violence a legitimate means of territorial and religious expansion, acquiring power and influence.
Unfortunately, this virus has now infected the core north itself in a most pernicious way. Sadly, it is innocent people who had hitherto borne the full brunt of the selfishness of the northern elite that are still at the receiving end here.
In the estimation of the newspaper, banditry in northern Nigeria is caused by “an amalgam of many complex issues, among them high levels of poverty and unemployment in the region, deeply entrenched feelings of past dispossession and exclusion, climate change, and above all, a near complete break-down of law and moral order in society.”
Although no mention of Fulani herdsmen’s attacks and the fact that the so-called bandits buffeting the core north are mainly Fulani Muslims (as has been confirmed several times by the Sultan of Sokoto and Governor Masari of Katsina State) one other critical cause of the problem was left out here by Daily Trust, again, by design.
Bishop Mathew Hassan Kukah believes that religious persecution has been left to bloom in northern Nigeria for too long to such an extent that the impunity of the dominant religion has now boomeranged against itself. In a homily at the funeral mass of Seminarian Michael Nnadi, who was killed by kidnappers for his faith, held on February 11, 2020, he warned about the simmering violence that was about to explode and engulf the core north: “We are being told that this situation has nothing to do with religion? Really?
“Are we to believe that simply because Boko Haram kills Muslims too, they wear no religious garb? Are we to deny the evidence before us, of kidnappers separating Muslims from infidels or compelling Christians to convert or die? If your son steals from me, do you solve the problem by saying he also steals from you?” Even though the Bishop was speaking before the current violence peaked in the north, his words nevertheless prefaced what is happening today.
According to the cleric, one of the remote causes of the current upsurge in anarchy in the north is the fact that “the northern Muslim elite has not developed a moral basis for adequate power sharing with their Christian co-regionalists.” Could this be what the editorial tersely listed as “deeply entrenched feelings of past dispossession and exclusion…”?
If so, no one feels this sense of exclusion and alienation more than northern Hausa Muslims who are treated as outcasts, second-class citizens and their basic rights routinely abused and denied. In the wake of the Sokoto travellers massacre, a northern Hausa Christians’ organisation issued a statement (-admin@hacfo.org) in which it described that heinous crime as “quite unfortunate and highly condemnable.” Note that we referred to this group above.
It noted that although Northern Nigeria is a multilingual and multiethnic region, “no one is respected and given the chance to live and have a sense of belonging if the person is not a Muslim…. Even among the Muslims, if you’re not a Fulani man or woman, you are not considered eligible for key positions and opportunities.” Despite the fact that this position further underscored Bishop Kukah’s stance above, the Hausa Christians went ahead to distinguish between, first, Hausa Muslims and non-Muslim Hausa and, second, Fulani and Hausa Muslims.
The organisation revealed that they are always asked why Hausa people were also being killed and kidnapped by Fulani terrorists when they are also Muslims. “Well,” they said they always replied, “in reality the Hausa people have been enslaved by the Fulani right from the deceptive campaign of the Usman Danfodio jihad,” which had created a master-servant relationship between them. And still re-echoing Kukah’s viewpoint, they said: “Religion has been used to enslave the entire Hausa land and Northern Nigeria at large. They have been brainwashed into supporting all the evil done to others, especially Christians, in the name of religion.”
Bishop Kukah’s response is that nation building cannot effectively take place “without adequate representation and deliberate efforts at creating for all members a sense, a feeling, of belonging, and freedom to make contributions. This is the window that killers of Boko Haram have exploited and turned into a door to death. It is why killing Christians and destroying Christianity is seen as one of their key missions.”
The editorial cried out, “What more needs to happen before the President would genuinely demonstrate that he feels the silent anguish of hundreds of communities and thousands of citizens everywhere across the north and the country at large? Only a few years ago President Buhari too bemoaned these very events, even when they occurred at a much lower scale than now, and that his bemoaning was part of the very reason he was elected to the presidency.”
This shows that Buhari merely used the issue of insecurity as a ruse to win his first and second term elections and, second, the current state of insecurity in the core north and country at large has spiraled out of control. It is now more than what obtained during the President Jonathan era, unlike the propaganda being bandied around by Buhari’s spin doctors, especially Lai Mohammed, the Information Minister, to the contrary.
But this is Bishop Kukah’s take on this score: “No one could have imagined that in winning the presidency, General Buhari would bring nepotism and clannishness into the military and the ancillary security agencies, that his government would be marked by supremacist and divisive policies that would push our country to the brink. This president has displayed the greatest degree of insensitivity in managing our country’s rich diversity.
“He has subordinated the larger interests of the country to the hegemonic interests of his co-religionists and clansmen and women. The impression created now is that, to hold a key and strategic position in Nigeria today, it is more important to be a northern Muslim than a Nigerian.”
The editorial quoted the Sultan of Sokoto as bemoaning the current situation in the north thus: “if I continue talking about the insecurity in the North, we will not leave this room… There is no single day that passes without people being killed in the North, especially in the North West now, but we don’t hear of it.”
But here is another dimension from which the same Sultan had earlier conceived the problem, as quoted by Bishop Kukah: “The Sultan recently lamented the tragic consequences of power being in the wrong hands.” Kukah proceeded to paint the general picture of disenchantment with the Buhari administration among Islamic clerics and even the Northern Elders Forum “who in 2015 believed that General Buhari had come to redeem the north [but] have now turned against the president.”
And to the newspaper’s assertion that the onus was now on the president to tame the bugbear of insecurity in the country by “personally take charge of the counter-offensive against terrorists, in the north or elsewhere in the country,” we say, in the words of Kukah, that the north has reached this desperate state because this “is what happens when politicians use religion to extend the frontiers of their ambition and power.”
However, Kukah still referred back to the Sultan: “Again, the Sultan got it right: let the northern political elite who have surrendered the space claim it back immediately.” But have they? Certainly not.
That is why the country is teetering on the brink of total collapse. Jonathan Ishaku, the late Obadiah Mailafia and Bishop Kukah had at various times in the past warned that Nigeria had become a failed state because the Buhari administration had consistently failed to deliver on the key departments of governance, most especially its inability to curb insecurity, and the pursuit of objectives that are openly geared towards Islamization. These failures are more widespread and well entrenched in the core north because of the centuries’ old inequities that feudalism had wrought on the lives of the masses.
In 2017, Bishop Kukah declared that the sense of alienation felt by citizens generally was the result of state failure as manifested in loss of monopoly of legitimate use of violence, loss of capacity to make and enforce collective will of the state, inability to provide social and welfare services to citizens, inability to guarantee safety of citizens, domination and control of environments by criminal gangs and mafias, inability of regulatory agencies of government to levy and collect taxes, rise in population of displaced and homeless persons even in peace time, circles of violence and instability, increase in lack of respect for the state and its law enforcement agencies, etc.
This state of affairs, according to Kukah, breeds “a season of anomie, disorientation, helplessness and despair among citizens. Citizens feel increasingly unsure of the rules and they create their own rules for survival…. They have no collective plan and do not need one. All they know is that the current order must fall…. Their powerlessness breeds resentment and hate for the state, its agencies, individuals, other groups, or institutions.” The demagogue, bandit, terrorist, kidnapper thrives most abundantly in this swirling miasma of hate and confusion. That is the dire condition of today’s Nigeria that Daily Trust dares not reveal to Nigerians, especially the desperate masses of the core north.
Jonathan Ishaku reckoned that “the evident failure of the Nigerian state to guarantee basic security and safety to its citizens qualifies it to be a termed a fragile or, indeed, failed state.” The veteran journalist and writer further asserted: “In my opinion, one area the nation has been playing politics with national security management is the issue of Fulani herdsmen’s terrorism.”
Writing in the PUNCH newspaper (August 30, 2021), Obadiah Mailafia distinguished between ‘fragile states’, ‘crisis states’ and ‘failed states’ and rationalized that “…State collapse is closely associated with the phenomenon of political decay, defined by the eminent political scientist, Samuel Huntington, as a chaotic and disorderly situation where the rate of social modernisation is accelerated ahead of progress in political and institutional development.”
Although these gentlemen raised these red flags between 2017 and 2021, nothing has positively changed. Rather, things are on a downward spiral. But former president, Olusegun Obasanjo, is not surprised by this ominous trend. On December 14, 2021, the Daily Post reported the former president as saying that Nigerians should not expect anything more from President Buhari because what he has so far done as president is the best he can offer. In other words, Mr. Buhari has no capacity to go beyond what he has so far ‘achieved’ in his about seven years in office.
Obasanjo declared: “The truth is this: President Buhari has done his best. That is what he can do. If we are expecting anything more than what he has done or what he is doing, that means we’re whipping a dead horse and there is no need.” He advised Nigerians to begin looking ahead of the Buhari era by searching for a better replacement that would rights the wrongs committed by this administration.
But Sonala Olumhense is not so lenient and would not allow Mr. Buhari complete the remainder of his second tenure. He demands instant measures: “Buhari should resign.” This message, which happens to be the title of his syndicated column, was incidentally published on the back page of the Daily Trust edition under review here. He ends his piece on this dire note: “Buhari received a blank cheque in 2015. He squandered it. I repeat my message from about four years ago: He should be man enough to resign. Let someone else do it.”
Apparently, all the palpable indeces about this era are coming down to this: Mr. Buhari is going down in history of Nigeria as a leader who not only failed to inject the milk of human kindness in his dealings with Nigerians he swore to protect and enhance their overall welfare, he has divided the country in a way never before seen in its annals.
It is this damning legacy of his Presidency that Daily Trust (through that predictable editorial), other institutions and individuals who have egged him on all this while are struggling to run away from. They are beginning to realize that the Buhari Presidency is one of the heaviest burdens of the core north. Now that a terrible judgement is beckoning, they want to steer clear of him and place themselves on the positive side of history – along with the dehumanized peoples of Nigeria, especially those of Mr. Buhari’s core north.
But can this be possible at this late hour?
(GYANG is the Chairman of the N.G.O, Journalists Coalition for Citizens’ Rights Initiative – JCCRI. Emails: info@jccri-online.org; chrisgyang01@gmail.com)

Opinion
Rivers state: Why Tinubu’s administration resort to state of emergency

Abba Dukawa

The political crisis began in December 2023, when Governor Fubara ordered the demolition of the state House of Assembly complex, which remains unrebuilt to this day. This act has effectively paralyzed the legislative arm, disrupting the state’s system of checks and balances.

The Supreme Court highlighted the severity of this situation on February 28, 2025, emphasizing the absence of a functional government in Rivers State and the executive’s role in collapsing the legislative arm, thereby creating a governance void
Additionally, recent reports indicate that militants have been vandalizing pipelines and issuing threats without any intervention from the state government, raising concerns about the state’s security and economic stability.Given Rivers State’s crucial role in the country’s economy, this situation necessitates urgent and cautious intervention from the federal government.Despite interventions from various stakeholders, including Tinubu himself, the crisis has persisted
.It’s worth noting that Tinubu is the third president to invoke Section 305 of the Constitution, after Ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo and Former President Goodluck Jonathan.
President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State has sparked intense debate about its necessity and potential motivations. During his nationwide speech, Tinubu warned that this decision could set off a chain of unpredictable events, potentially leading to radical ideologies and extremist tendencies.
Critics argue that Tinubu’s decision was unnecessary and politically motivated, particularly given his connection to Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, who is accused of being the “arrowhead” of the crisis. Some believe that Tinubu’s administration aims to remove Governor Fubara, perceived as hostile to the 2027 Tinubu/Wike project.Ultimately, the motivations behind Tinubu’s decision remain unclear, and its implications for Rivers State and Nigeria as a whole are yet to be fully seen.
Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has strongly opposed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State and his suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, and members of the Rivers State President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.House of Assembly. President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.
The NBA pointed to Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, which governs the procedure for declaring a state of emergency. While this section grants the President emergency powers, it does not allow for the removal or suspension of elected officials. The NBA stressed that the only constitutional method for removing a governor or deputy governor is through impeachment as outlined in Section 188.
Furthermore, the removal of lawmakers must adhere to electoral laws and constitutional provisions insisted that a state of emergency does not equate to an automatic dissolution of an elected government, and any attempt to do so is an overreach of executive power.
Also Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has strongly condemned President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State, calling it an “assault on democracy” that must be denounced in the strongest possible terms . Wazirin Adamawa argues that Tinubu’s administration is responsible for the chaos in Rivers State, either by enabling it or failing to prevent it. He emphasizes that the President should bear full responsibility for any compromise of federal infrastructure in the state, rather than punishing the people of Rivers State with a state of emergency.
Abubakar also accuses president Tinubu of being a partisan actor in the political turmoil in Rivers, and his refusal to prevent the escalation is seen as “disgraceful to the people of Rivers” The former Vice President believes that the destruction of national infrastructure in Rivers State is a direct result of the President’s failure to act, and punishing the people of Rivers State would be undemocratic.
In his statement, former vice president asserts that the declaration of a state of emergency “reeks of political manipulation and outright bad faith. He urges that the people of Rivers State should not be punished for the political gamesmanship between the governor and Tinubu’s enablers in the federal government. Other analyst believes that the situation in Rivers State, though politically tense, does not meet the constitutional threshold for the removal of elected officials.
For a state of emergency to be declared, Section 305(3) of the Constitution outlines specific conditions, including:
1. War or external aggression against Nigeria. Imminent danger of invasion or war. A breakdown of public order and safety to such an extent that ordinary legal measures are insufficient.
Other reasons for such decisions to be enforced are clear danger to Nigeria’s existence and Occurrence of any disaster or natural calamity affecting a state or a part of it. Where public danger constitutes a threat to the Federation.
Since the state of the emergency in Rivers state has been promulgation, political watchers questions whether the political crisis in Rivers State has reached the level of a complete breakdown of law that has warranting the removal of the Governor and his administration. Political disagreements, legislative conflicts, or executive-legislative tensions do not constitute a justification for emergency rule.
Had been the president remain filmed Such conflicts should have been resolved through legal and constitutional mechanisms, including the judiciary, rather than executive fiat.
A state of emergency is an extraordinary measure that must be invoked strictly within constitutional limits. The removal of elected officials under the pretext of emergency rule is unconstitutional and unacceptable.Tinubu’s administration decision to declare a state of emergency has been met with mixed reactions. Some argue that it was necessary to restore sanity to the state and ensure the country’s stability. Others,, believe that it was an unnecessary decision that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Was declaration for Rivers state is necessary or political motivation? President Bola Amed Tinubu is fully aware that the declaration of State of Emergency in a prevalent democratic system is not the solution to the self-inflicted crisis bedeviling the State.
What Tinubu needed most was to call Wike, his Minister of FCT, to order. The former governor Wike is the arrowhead of the crisis bedeviling the State.
Now what the president Tinubu decision for the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State was an unnecessary decision” that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Other views whether president decisions of keeping his ally, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, is worth jeopardizing Nigeria’s economy.The keen watcher of events regarded the decision as a display of unpardonable mediocrity and diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027.
Tinubu administration wants to use the excuse of the political instability and other security challenges in Rivers to remove Governor FUBURA from the POWER considered hostile to the minister of the Federal Capital Territory or TInubu/Wiki diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027 election.
During his speeches Mr. President, blaming only the state governor and House of Assembly for the crisis in Rivers State is like expecting one iron to make a loud sound – it’s unrealistic and ignores the roles of others, including the former governor and a cabinet member in your administration.
Let us not forget; The situation in Rivers state is indeed complex, with President Tinubu’s intervention aiming to restore order, but also raising important questions about the balance between federal intervention and state autonomy. Invoking a state of emergency to suspend elected officials is a drastic measure that may set a worrying precedent, especially if not handled carefully.
The appointment of a retired military officer as the state’s administrator also raises concerns about the militarization of a democratic government. This move may be perceived as an attempt to exert federal control over the state, rather than allowing democratic processes to unfold, the initial six-month period of emergency rule, with provisions for extension, could lead to prolonged federal control. This is why it’s essential to establish clear timelines and measurable objectives to ensure a timely return to democratic governance.
Some of the key concerns that need to be addressed include: The potential for abuse of power*: The suspension of elected officials and the appointment of a military administrator could be seen as an attempt to consolidate federal power.
– *The impact on democratic institutions*: The emergency rule could undermine the democratic institutions in Rivers state and set a precedent for future interventions.
– *The need for transparency and accountability*: The federal government must ensure that the emergency rule is transparent, accountable, and subject to regular review. Ultimately, finding a balance between restoring order and respecting democratic institutions is crucial. The federal government must tread carefully to avoid exacerbating the situation and ensure a peaceful resolution.
Dukawa public affairs commentator and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com

Opinion
Emergency Rule: How so called leaders led Fubara into a bottomless pit

By Emmanuel Agaji

On Tuesday, President Bola Tinubu vividly and clearly displayed rare leadership qualities as he ended the unnecessary display of naked murder of democracy in Rivers State.

The president after several interventions to make a now former Governor Siminalayi Fubara to see reason had to use the big stick to trouble shoot the poor state of things in Rivers State.
He politely reminded Fubara of how he bulldozed a democratic structure (Rivers Assembly Complex) and 14 months after the structure remained untouched, the lawmakers were not paid one dime.
Quoting all the relevant portions of the Supreme Court verdict on Rivers headache, Tinubu had no choice than to do what most presidents consider a last option.
Giving Mr President a clearer view about what to do was the action of the militants last Monday night when they set a major pipeline on fire.
Barely 24hours after, precisely on Tuesday, another pipeline was punctured by same militants who had boasted to destroy oil installations immediately after Supreme Court verdict.
Asari Dokuboh a big beneficiary of Tinubu’s legacy for so many years was one of the first to threaten to demolish oil installations and even one strand of hair was not touched in his head.
Tinubu being a true democrat patiently watched as the events unfold as so many videos of hooded militants real or fake trended on social media networks threatening to turn Rivers into a massive inferno.
Mr President felt undaunted and kept his cool still watching the trend until Monday night that they touched his very sensitive nerve by destroying a major pipeline.
The so called leaders that Fubara swore an allegiance with continue to spur him that he has their backing.
Like a drunken sailor, Fubara followed his leaders and even after the Supreme Court verdicts that tied him from head to toe he continued to follow them sheepishly.
Last Tuesday, they met with Mr President and sought for an amicable resolution of the Fubara imbroglio but less than one week after oil installations were attacked.
The leaders instead of creating avenues for reconciliatory talks with the lawmakers and their well known leader stoked the fire to high heavens.
They called Nyesom Wike names that are unprintable and even sent a memo to Mr President all in a bid to discredit him.
These so called leaders were not there when Wike single handedly delivered their Ijaw brother instead he was tagged a hater of Ijaw Nation.
Wike’s polite response must have taken them unawares when he reminded them that if it’s true he hated the Ijaw people how come he made their son Fubara a governor?
Till date, even till tomorrow, the question is still begging for an answer as the leaders have no ready made answer to it till eternity.
The leaders gave him hope where there was no hope and led him into a bottomless pit.
Fubara was a nobody in Rivers politics, Wike made him somebody.
Clothed and bathed Fubara with hyssop to make him adorable, even his Ijaw kinsmen rejected him but against all odds Wike delivered him.
Wike never knew Fubara was a wolf in sheep’s clothing.
Emmanuel Agaji, a public affairs analyst wrote from Port Harcourt in Rivers State.

Opinion
Sule Lamido, PDP, and the politics of defection.

By: Adamu Muhd Usman

“Success is not by our thinking, our wish, our personal opinion, or selfish aggrandisement. It is destined and accompanied by good attitudes of honesty, gratitude, commitment, perseverance, sacrifice, endurance, selflessness, and determination.
—– Sule Lamido

When elections are approaching, political activities hasten. There has been speculation that Sule Lamido of Jigawa State will defect from the PDP and join a new party. It appears the speculators based their thinking on PDP’s unexpected devastating defeat in the 2023 general election. However, many people see the defeat as an outcome of a referendum on the PDP’s mistakes and adamant or foolish behaviour of an ordinary Nigerian, rather than a rejection verdict on the PDP, thus the party is expected to bounce back.
This is expected to happen with the help of people like Sule Lamido and other party stalwarts. Nonetheless, with speculation rife, it’s pertinent to ask, will Sule Lamido lead a revolt to ditch the PDP and form a new party or join SDP as H.E. Malam Nasir El-Rufai calls for?
Knowing Lamido’s styles of leadership and political antecedents, notably his being and ardent disciple of late Mallam Aminu Kano of blessed memory one may without mincing words say that Sule Lamido will not leave PDP he helped to give birth to; nurtured and played a very prominent role in.
The above assertion is provided by the fact that Sule Lamido does not have a history of inconsistencies in his political career, and he is not a politician that takes decisions based on the desire to play to the gallery.
Furthermore, Lamido, being one of the founding fathers of the PDP and a man with well-established connections, with political friends and associates all over and who enjoys tremendous support across the country, is not likely going to ditch the PDP.
If Lamido wanted to leave the PDP, he could have done it with the G7 governors who defected to the All Progressive Congress (APC) in 2014/2015. And, Lamido could have been one of the most celebrated ‘defectors’ the APC would now be flaunting.
Some people have mistakenly interpreted the recent news story of the former Kaduna state governor, H.E. Malam Nasir El-Rufai, defecting from APC to SDP, whereby he called bigwigs, though he dares not to mention the name of Sule Lamido in his list or invitation because he knows perfectly well Lamido’s space to that regard is a no-go area. But Lamido has dispelled the rumours via the interview he granted with the British Broadcasting Cooperation (BBC) Hausa service.
Governor Lamido asserted, I have no intention to leave the party. We dey kampe for PDP; we dey shelele for PDP. PDP has honoured and dignified me, and I am not leaving it for tenants. I am from a home background while others are from mere house backgrounds. We are well-groomed right from our homes, and we will not leave the party for anyone, especially for anger.
This is not a time for a blame game; the PDP should all accept that they made mistakes and find ways to correct them in the future.”
What people should best expect from Sule Lamido is rebuilding, reorganising, re-energising, and remodelling the PDP into a strong opposition party for the ruling APC. For instance, Lamido is well experienced in the art of politicking and governance; he will for sure lead other PDP founding fathers and party adherents to rebrand the party. Those that were instrumental in destroying the fabric that makes the PDP a strong national party may sooner or later become inactive in the party because they do not have the party in their hearts. Only causing trouble in order to be relevant and satisfy their pocket.
Sule Lamido has unequivocally assured their teaming supporters, party followers, and other stakeholders that he has no plans to join another party, leave the PDP, or allow intruders and interlopers to take over the house they have laboured to build.
The big question is, what should they do to correct their mistakes and reengineer a new beginning for the PDP?
Firstly, political pundits strongly believe that Sule Lamido and his likes will make sure the PDP returns to its cherished initial status—accommodating all people across the nations, running on democratic ideals that allow dissent and contrary views, but moves in harmony and as a family.
Secondly, Lamido will work painstakingly to rebrand the PDP and restore its hitherto attractive national ‘face.’ The PDP is like a bee, with six legs; once one leg is removed, the party becomes handicapped, unattractive, and motionless. This is what the intruders’ and interlopers that besieged the party do not understand.
Thirdly, Lamido is an expert in persuasion, trust building, patiently listening to contrary views, and also a political guru.
These skills of Lamido will be highly useful in time to come in order to return the PDP to the foundation on which its founding fathers built it.
The PDP will not regain its position as a strong and nationally spread political party without having individuals who share the spirit of the founding fathers of the party, individuals who passionately believe in one of the preambles of its constitution: “To mobilise like-minded Nigerians under the leadership of the party to build a nation responsive to the aspirations of its people, able to satisfy the just hopes and aspirations of the Black people of the world, and to gain the confidence of the nations.”
Many of PDP’s followers trust that Sule Lamido will be one of the like-minded individuals that will lead the way in the reclamation of the PDP’s lost glory.
Dr. Sule Lamido (CON) will remain in the PDP. He had the opportunity to defect, but he did not because he believes that defection is not the best way to develop and entrench democracy.
Whatever you see today is designed by God. It is not compulsory to be on the winning side always. One can see the spirit of patience and willingness to accept the will of the people in the duo of Lamido. Many Nigerians are expecting the duo to lead in the rebirth of the PDP, rather than ditching it.
Remember, Lamido is a party Founding Father, one of the original stoics who defied the brutal military dictatorship and formed a patriotic group of committed democrats that later formed the nucleus of the PDP.
Sule Lamido is among the nine people (G9) who formed the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, in 1998 along with Senator Iyorchia Ayu, Professor Jerry Gana, the late Dr. Alex Ekwueme, the late Mallam Adamu Ciroma, the late Chief Solomon Lar, the late Chief Bola Ige, the late Senator Ella, and the late Alhaji Abubakar Rimi. They confronted former Head of State, the late General Sani Abacha, on the need to quit the office and allow democracy to prosper.
Lamido and Rimi were picked and locked up in DSS cells, Rimi in Ilorin and Lamido in Maiduguri. They were only released after the sudden demise of Abacha.
Lamido, Jerry Gana, and Iyorchia Ayu are the lone PDP founding fathers still alive and on the landscape in politics and PDP.
Lamido has been consistent in PDP. He displays his sagacity in full force. He also deployed his unmatched energy and political skills in campaigning for PDP candidates from the top to the bottom from 1999 to date.
He has a history of radically confronting the military junta of Abacha for the sake of restoring democracy (PDP) to Nigeria, and he was sent to jail several times during the PRP days and the military era.
Lamido was imprisoned for his emancipation of the masses. Some of these things will give him an edge and advantage over other compatriots on the corridor of Nigerian politics and the PDP.
Lamido’s almost five decades of experience in the rough terrain of Nigerian politics is being brought to bear in this election cycle. He is so often in the news for a combination of reasons, including his imposing physical presence, his simple style of doing things, and his solid records of commitment, loyalty, achievements, consistency, and sacrifice, etc., to PDP since its creation in 1998 to date.
Sule Lamido is one of the most experienced politicians in Nigeria and is arguably the most successful governor in Nigeria since 1999 to date. Before then, he was a former unionist (PRP national youth leader), Social Democratic Party (SDP) national secretary, the party that made the late chief abiola to win as a president in the most freest, fairest, credible and peaceful election in Nigeria, a parliamentarian, and a former diplomat (minister). He has made a lot of sacrifices for this country, Nigeria. His contributions have reunited and reawakened Nigeria, and as far as politics is concerned, Lamido is one person you cannot bury or shove away.
Sule Lamido always says his mind, which in all cases aligns with the interests of the common man. He never succumbs to sentiments. He was never accused of bigotry or nepotism. He is a nationalist, liberal.
May Allah continue to prolong and preserve your life’s span. Lamido will keep working for Nigeria for the rest of his life to be peaceful, efficient, united, progressive, and great (excel).
May Nigeria rise again and work positively well. 2027 is a testing year for Nigeria. May God see us through and make it easy for us.
Adamu writes from Kafin-Hausa, Jigawa State.

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