By Abiodun KOMOLAFE

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The concepts of power, privilege and governance are complex and multifaceted. Power refers to the ability to influence others, while privilege denotes unearned advantages.

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Governance encompasses institutions, structures and processes that regulate these dynamics. Together, these concepts raise fundamental questions about justice, equality and resource distribution.

It emphasizes the importance of considering marginalized groups’ experiences and perspectives. The main problem in Nigeria today is its political economy, which is rooted in rent-seeking and fosters a mindset that prioritizes patronage over production.

The country’s politics are characterized by a patron-client relationship, where everything revolves around government handouts rather than effective governance. This has led to a situation where “politics” in Nigeria is essentially a scramble for resources in a country with severely limited opportunities for self-improvement.

When French agronomist René Dumont wrote ‘False Starts in Africa’ in 1962, he inadvertently described Nigeria’s current state in 2025. Nigeria’s missteps have magnified themselves in the theatre of the absurd, such as the construction of a new vice presidential residence and Governor Chukwuemeka Soludo’s boasts about the lavish official residence for the governor of Anambra State, currently under construction.

It is to be noted in contradistinction that the newly sworn-in Prime Minister of Canada, Mark Carney, is looking for somewhere to live. The official residence of the prime minister, 24 Sussex Drive, the Canadian equivalent of 10 Downing Street, is in disrepair and uninhabitable. No Canadian government can dare ask the parliament to appropriate the $40m needed to refurbish the residence.

Canada’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) exceeds $2 trillion, while Nigeria’s GDP is less than $400 billion. Still, Nigeria claims to be a giant! With an electricity generation capacity of less than 6,000 megawatts, Nigeria’s proclamation seems absurd, especially when compared to cities like Johannesburg, Singapore, Hong Kong and Mumbai. Even Lagos State alone should be generating, transmitting and distributing at least 15,000 megawatts, which would be a basic expectation rather than an achievement.

Nigeria today needs a comprehensive overhaul of its governance crisis to build a new political economy and social services that are fit for purpose. Although the government is on the right path in some ways, a root-and-branch transformation is still necessary.

A notable breakthrough is the decision to recapitalize development finance institutions, such as the Bank of Industry and, crucially, the Bank of Agriculture. This move is significant in a rent-seeking state, as it addresses the need for long-term capital – a prerequisite for achieving meaningful progress.

The development finance institutions require annual recapitalization of at least N500 billion, ideally N1 trillion. Achieving this necessitates a thorough cost evaluation of the government’s machinery, starting with the full implementation of the Oronsaye Committee’s recommendations.

The resulting cost savings can then be redirected to development finance institutions and essential social services like primary healthcare. Furthermore, the government should be bolder, if it can afford to be so, especially since there’s no discernible opposition on offer At the moment, the Nigerian political establishment across the board appears to be enamored by the position put forward by the leader of the Russian revolution, Vladimir Lenin, after the failed putsch. Lenin wrote the classic, ‘What is to be done?’

His observation is that revolutions do not take place at times of grinding poverty. They do so during periods of relatively rising prosperity. Significant sections of the Nigerian establishment believe that relatively rising prosperity could trigger off social discontent.

In their own interest, they had better be right. The caveat is that Lenin wrote ‘What’s to be Done’ in 1905. The world has moved on and changed since the conditions that led to the failure of the attempted takeover of government in Russia in 1905. Therefore, the Nigerian political establishment, for reasons of self-preservation, had better put on its thinking cap. Addressing power and privilege in governance requires collective action, institutional reforms and a commitment to promoting social justice. Nigeria currently lacks a leadership recruitment process, which can only be established if political parties are willing to develop a cadre. Unfortunately, the country is dealing with Special Purpose Vehicles (SPVs) instead. It’s rare to find leadership in Nigeria operating political boot camps to recruit and groom youths for future leadership roles.

This might be why many young people have a misguided understanding of politics, viewing it as merely a means of sharing the nation’s commonwealth. Mhairi Black was elected to the British House of Commons at 20 years old.

However, the key point is that Black had started becoming involved in politics at a young age. By the time she was elected, she had already gained significant experience, effectively becoming a veteran in the field. In Nigeria, politics is often seen as one of the few avenues for self-fulfillment. However, the economy is stagnant, with few jobs created in the public sector and limited investment opportunities.

This is a far cry from the 1950s and 1960s, when political parties were more substantial. Today, it’s worth asking how many Nigerian political parties have functional Research Departments. Besides, what socialization into any philosophy or ideology do our politicians have? Similarly to former Governor Rotimi Amaechi, many of those who currently hold power are motivated to stay in politics due to concerns about economic stability.

Of course, that’s why the Lagos State House of Assembly has had to revert itself. It is the same challenge that has reduced the traditional institution to victims of Nigeria’s ever-changing political temperature. It is the reason an Ogbomoso indigene is not interested in what happened between Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola.

It is also the reason an Ijebuman sees an Ogbomoso man as his enemy without bothering to dig up the bitter politics that ultimately succeeded in putting the two families on the path of permanent acrimony. Of course, that’s why we have crises all over the place! May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419)

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Byabiodun KOMOLAFE

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Rivers State is now under emergency rule, and it’s likely to remain so for the next six months, unless a drastic change occurs.

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If not managed carefully, this could mark the beginning of a prolonged crisis.

In situations like this, opinions tend to be divergent. For instance, some people hold the notion that the security situation and the need to protect the law and public order justified President Bola Tinubu’s proclamation of a state of emergency in, and the appointment of a sole administrator for Rivers State.

However, others view this act as ‘unconstitutional’, ‘reckless’, ‘an affront on democracy’, and ‘a political tool to intimidate the opposition’. When we criticize governments for unmet expectations, we often rely on our own perspectives and biases.

Our individual identities and prejudices shape our criticism. However, it’s essential to recognize that not all criticism is equal. Protesting within the law is fundamentally different from protests that descend into illegality. Once illegality creeps in, the legitimacy of the protest is lost.

As John Donne wrote in ‘Devotions Upon Emergent Occasions’, “Never send to know for whom the bell tolls.” A protest is legitimate when it aligns with societal norms, values and laws. But when protests are marred by violence or sabotage, they lose credibility. Without credibility, protests become ineffective.

Regarding the validity or otherwise of the emergency rule in Rivers State, it is imperative that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governors approach the Supreme Court immediately. They should seek a definitive clarification on whether the proclamation is ultra vires or constitutional.

For whatever it’s worth, they owe Nigerians that responsibility!May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

Abiodun KOMOLAFE,ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419 – SMS only.

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By Emmanuel Agaji

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On Tuesday, President Bola Tinubu vividly and clearly displayed rare leadership qualities as he ended the unnecessary display of naked murder of democracy in Rivers State.

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The president after several interventions to make a now former Governor Siminalayi Fubara to see reason had to use the big stick to trouble shoot the poor state of things in Rivers State.

He politely reminded Fubara of how he bulldozed a democratic structure (Rivers Assembly Complex) and 14 months after the structure remained untouched, the lawmakers were not paid one dime.

Quoting all the relevant portions of the Supreme Court verdict on Rivers headache, Tinubu had no choice than to do what most presidents consider a last option.

Giving Mr President a clearer view about what to do was the action of the militants last Monday night when they set a major pipeline on fire.

Barely 24hours after, precisely on Tuesday, another pipeline was punctured by same militants who had boasted to destroy oil installations immediately after Supreme Court verdict.

Asari Dokuboh a big beneficiary of Tinubu’s legacy for so many years was one of the first to threaten to demolish oil installations and even one strand of hair was not touched in his head.

Tinubu being a true democrat patiently watched as the events unfold as so many videos of hooded militants real or fake trended on social media networks threatening to turn Rivers into a massive inferno.

Mr President felt undaunted and kept his cool still watching the trend until Monday night that they touched his very sensitive nerve by destroying a major pipeline.

The so called leaders that Fubara swore an allegiance with continue to spur him that he has their backing.

Like a drunken sailor, Fubara followed his leaders and even after the Supreme Court verdicts that tied him from head to toe he continued to follow them sheepishly.

Last Tuesday, they met with Mr President and sought for an amicable resolution of the Fubara imbroglio but less than one week after oil installations were attacked.

The leaders instead of creating avenues for reconciliatory talks with the lawmakers and their well known leader stoked the fire to high heavens.

They called Nyesom Wike names that are unprintable and even sent a memo to Mr President all in a bid to discredit him.

These so called leaders were not there when Wike single handedly delivered their Ijaw brother instead he was tagged a hater of Ijaw Nation.

Wike’s polite response must have taken them unawares when he reminded them that if it’s true he hated the Ijaw people how come he made their son Fubara a governor?

Till date, even till tomorrow, the question is still begging for an answer as the leaders have no ready made answer to it till eternity.

The leaders gave him hope where there was no hope and led him into a bottomless pit.

Fubara was a nobody in Rivers politics, Wike made him somebody.

Clothed and bathed Fubara with hyssop to make him adorable, even his Ijaw kinsmen rejected him but against all odds Wike delivered him.

Wike never knew Fubara was a wolf in sheep’s clothing.

Emmanuel Agaji, a public affairs analyst wrote from Port Harcourt in Rivers State.

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