Opinion
An editorial and the burdens of the core North

By Chris Gyang

Will they keep on desperately clinging to power even as it continues to be a blight on them? Will it not eternally signpost their hankering after raw political power, undiluted by the profound essences of responsibility, the milk of human kindness, honour, good character and conscience, equity, integrity and sacrifice?

Unlike the Daily Trust newspapers, the core north’s political and religious elite and their accomplices in the Middle Belt and other parts of Nigeria, we shall not gloat, white wash or side-step essential truths about the shedding of the blood of innocent Nigerians based on primordial ethnic and religious sentiments. The lives of all human beings matter to us – Muslims and arna (infidels) alike.
In a recent article, the iconic Dan Agbese focused on the belief among the Hausa/Fulani that politics is the main industry in northern Nigeria. He quoted the late Yusuf Maitama Sule to highlight this point: “The northerners are endowed… with leadership qualities. The Yoruba man knows how to earn a living and has diplomatic qualities. The Igbo is gifted in commerce, trade… God so created us individually for a purpose. Others are created as kings, servants. We all need each other. If there are no followers, a king will not exist.”
Mr. Agbese explained that the statement was “an attempt to promote the right of the north, for which read, Hausa/Fulani, to rule….” Now, for the sake of clarity, see what Justice Niki Tobi said about the ‘Hausa/Fulani’ nomenclature: “The expression Hausa-Fulani is a double barrel coinage of relatively recent history, a nomenclature aimed essentially at achieving political, economic and religious ambition and relevance. The expression Hausa/Fulani in our view does not have any historical, cultural and even ancestral meaning or relevance. There is no tribe in Nigeria called Hausa-Fulani and the expression has no background in the culture and sociology of the two distinct Nigerian tribes.”
The ace journalist argued that this notion of the right to rule “has sat on the psyche of the north for so long that it has gradually acquired something close to divine imprimatur.” He, however, pointed out that this industry is “… nurtured by a warped psyche and sustained by a political engineering that has put the north at the head but left it hollow.” This is because, “Power, political power, matters to the north because it is the only thing that matters.”
Of course it is this mind-set that inspired Hakeem Baba-Ahmed of the Arewa Consultative Forum to make this provocative declaration in October 2021: “We will lead Nigeria the way we have led Nigeria before, whether we are president or vice president, we will lead Nigeria…. Why should we accept second class position when we know we can buy form and contest for first class and we will win….”
Does Baba-Ahmed’s ‘second class … first class’ postulation here have any parallels with the legendary Maitama Sule’s theory of ‘kings… servants… followers’? Both men, scions of the core north’s political establishment, believe that their region possesses the God-given right to eternally rule Nigeria (as first class citizens and kings) even at the expense of the rest of us (the second class citizens, servants and followers).
But Agbese asked the fundamental question that is always anathema to the core north’s political and religious elite: “what has the north done with [the] power?” This is one of the issues the Daily Trust newspaper editorial of December 12, 2021, deliberately failed to address. This is because the tabloid has been at the forefront of inspiring, espousing and disseminating the ideals of the core north’s dominant elites which it serves as a mouthpiece.
These elites have dominated political power for most of Nigeria’s post-independence period but used it mainly for their own selfish aims while the majority of the people have been left to wallow in abject poverty and want. It is this parlous state of affairs that is partly responsible for the kind of violence being experienced in most of Nigeria’s North Western today.
Hear Mr. Agbese: “… politics as a northern industry is a failed industry…. It offers seasonal employment to young men as political thugs in election seasons. When the elections are over, the job ends and young men find themselves right back where they were until another election season rolls by.”
It is also worthy of note that some of these young men the politicians had recruited as political thugs and under-aged voters have become today’s dare devil bandits, kidnappers, rapists, terrorists and vagabonds making life a living hell for the poor masses of the core north who have themselves been at the receiving end of their politicians’ greed since independence.
However, it must be pointed out that because it has failed woefully in the core north does not make politics an entirely repulsive venture. As Bishop Kukah explained, “The banditry going on in Nigeria is a sin against the nobility of politics as a vocation.” And as Agbese so poignantly pointed out above, it is the attitude and character of the northern politician that has made politics so disastrous to the geographical north.
Nevertheless, some northern youth, under the umbrella of the Arewa Concerned Civil Society Organisations of Nigeria, appear to have realised the futility continually clinging to political power. In a statement issued on December 10, 2021, the organisation regretted that both the current and past leaders from the region “have failed to meet up with the expectations of our people, and have continued to betray our trust, confidence, and respect for them.”
They proposed that the next president should come from those other parts of the country that have not occupied the office in the past “to further promote fairness, equity, unity or oneness of the country.”
“Our Northern region today has been reduced to a human abattoir, to say the least, where all communities have been converted to a mass grave due to the failure of government at all levels,” they declaimed.
But in the core north, which is still largely feudal in character, it is the religious and political elite that always have the final say on such critical political matters. Consequently, these voices calling for power shift may as well have no effect in the final analysis. In any case, critics say that these youth may only be blowing hot air as they have shown a penchant towards conservatism over the years just like their forebears. Their response to the popular youth movement, #EndSARS, which they massively boycotted, is a case in point.
But as it has become a matter of policy for Daily Trust and the core northern power elite, killings carried out by Fulani herdsmen in the same Kaduna State were deliberately omitted from that editorial simply because the victims have mainly been Christians of Southern Kaduna origin. As a matter of fact, almost within the same period the editorial focused on, 36 people were massacred at Ma-Doo, in Mabushi Chiefdom, by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
Soon after, Rev. Silas Ali of the Evangelical Church Winning All (ECWA), was murdered about a kilometre from Zango town by people suspected to be Hausa-Fulani settlers of Zangon Kataf. Sources said that, between November 4 and 12, 2021, about 26 people were killed in cold blood in nine different villages across Atyap Chiefdom.
And on the same December 6, 2021, when 23 commercial bus passengers were burnt in broad day light at Sabon Birni Sokoto State, 3 people were killed and several houses set on fire by suspected Fulani herdsmen in Chibwok village. On the whole, within a couple of months, not less than 59 people were brutally murdered by suspected Fulani herdsmen in these areas alone. Even these are just a tip of the iceberg as Southern Kaduna has consistently been under siege from armed Fulani herdsmen which both the Kaduna State Government and the Buhari administration have chosen to ignore for obvious reasons.
But these spates of orgiastic mayhem did not just start in 2021. On December 24 and 25 2016, Fulani herdsmen attacked and destroyed Goska village in Kaninkon Kingdom of Southern Kaduna during which about a hundred locals were massacred and many others maimed and wounded. This heinous crime took place when a 24-hour curfew imposed by the state government was in force.
Now, back to 2021, on July 13, the Southern Kaduna Peoples Union, SOKAPU, spokesman, Luka Binniyat, disclosed in a statement that “in the past 6 days, at least 33 Atyap natives of Zangon Kataf Area were massacred, 4 churches burnt and 215 homes burnt by assailants always identified as armed herdsmen in a genocidal campaign that became so intensive since 2016.”
DAILY POST reported that SOKAPU condemned what it described as “this wicked act and the complicit silence and inaction of government from taking steps to bring the perpetrators and their leaders to justice.”
According to the online publication, the Atyap people had consistently accused the Hausa settlers of the Zangon Kataf semi urban town of “harbouring killer herdsmen, lamenting that, yet, no authority has done anything about it.”
Corroborating this, a Hausa Christians’ organisation recently made this declaration, to which we shall return later: “When lives and property were killed and destroyed in different communities in Plateau State, Benue and Southern Kaduna, many Northern Muslims and their leaders rejoiced publicly. The life of a Fulani terrorist is considered more valuable and sacred than the life of any saint anywhere in Northern Nigeria. The government of the day and the leadership of the Fulani Miyetti Allah have sponsored so much propaganda, both locally and internationally, to support the killing spree of the Fulani terrorists.”
That is why the Daily Trust editorial did not find it morally and professionally right to mention these atrocities being committed against the Christian minorities of Southern Kaduna and elsewhere in Nigeria’s geographical north. Yet it accused Mr. Buhari, whose nepotism, tribalism and religious bigotry (some of the underlying causes of the current state of lawlessness sweeping across the country) they have propped since he became president in 2015, of not showing enough emotional response for “the unending recurrence of … gruesome attacks, and the helplessness and haplessness of the [north west] victims….” What hypocrisy! What is the difference between the attitude of the Buhari administration and that of the Daily Trust regarding such matters?
It is the double standards of the Buhari administration that makes many Nigerians feel that his government is not totally committed to fighting jihadi insurgency and other forms of violence that have become bugbears to the country. This is because, first, some of its key officials and closest religious allies have been known to openly support extremist Islamist views that tend towards terrorism. Second, Mr. Buhari’s government has refused to expose the sponsors and supporters of terrorism in the country despite the fact that it has confirmed that it knows such persons/organisations. But it did not take the administration any dithering to declare IPOB a terrorist organisation and deployed its massive financial, intelligence, diplomatic and military might in arresting Nnamdi Kanu and seeking the extradition of Sunday Igboho from Benin Republic to Nigeria.
It is this same Daily Trust that came out with the screaming banner headline – IRIGWE YOUTHS KILL 25 FULANI TRAVELERS IN JOS, OVER 50 MISSING – on August 15, 2021, when in fact, as it later turned out, these youth were not responsible for that incident. On December 4, 2021, three Plateau State ethnic nationalities wrote an SOS petition to the governor in which they revealed that not less than 102 communities in the state had been sacked and were being forcibly occupied by armed Fulani herdsmen. They appealed to the state government to “immediately issue evacuation orders to all illegal occupiers and users of land, dams, ponds, streams, homes and other properties in all the affected communities.”
Yet, Daily Trust has hardly conceded the fact that Fulani herdsmen have been committing atrocities all over Plateau State and other parts of the Middle Belt. The closest they ever come to accepting this fact is when they resort to that calculated, deceptive, narrative of describing this genocide against indigenous peoples as ‘herder/farmer clashes’.
Surprisingly, the newspaper was miffed that the President did not deem it fit to personally condole with the victims of the attacks but chose to be “in attendance at a book launch of a party chieftain in Lagos,” in South West Nigeria. Of course, President Buhari must suddenly develop compassion towards the victims in the core north because, as the editorial argued many times, he was “voted en masse five times by the same populace.”
Even when Buhari has consistently shown an abiding lack of concern, disdain, for victims of such attacks in other parts of the country in the past, he must now “genuinely demonstrate that he feels the silent anguish of hundreds of communities and thousands of citizens everywhere across the north and the country at large….”
On the night of March 7, 2018, the same president was in Jos after a two-day official visit when innocent citizens were killed by suspected Fulani herdsmen in Bokkos and Bassa LGAs. The next day he flew out of Jos, the Plateau State capital, without he or his host, Governor Lalong, saying anything about the murders. Is Daily Trust only beginning to realise that this oftentimes aloof leader hardly shows compassion, empathy for the sufferings of Nigerians? You say he contested for the presidency a record four times. But was this persistence borne out of a genuine desire to make sacrifices for the general good of Nigerians or to simply prove the point that he could actually become president, against all odds?
Furthermore, this perception that Mr. Buhari must show compassion towards his fellow Fulani/Muslims while doing otherwise to other Nigerians reinforces the belief that he is actually the ‘president of the core north’, minus other Nigerians.
On October 13, 2017, the then World Bank President, Jim Yong Kim, made this revelation: “In my very first meeting with President Buhari, he said specifically that he would like us to shift our focus to the northern region of Nigeria and we’ve done that. Now, it has been very difficult. The work there has been very, very difficult.” Before that, Mr. Buhari had declared that most of his projects would go to the core north which gave him the largest chunk of the votes that won him the Presidency.
This nepotism has largely underscored the president’s policies with the active connivance of core northern institutions such as Daily Trust. Consider these three phrases which occured in three different parts of that editorial: “…citizens everywhere across the north and country at large… and elsewhere across mostly northern Nigeria… in the north or elsewhere in the country….”
These are the closest the editorial got to specifically referring to other parts of the country that have been ravaged by Fulani herdsmen’s attacks for quite some time now. In fact, Benue State has been one of the epicentres of this deliberate Fulani expansionism. They massacred 73 indigenes of Logo and Guma LGAs on January 1, 2018. This is only one case in point. These attacks have continued without the Buhari administration doing much to curb them.
Analysts have posited that the northern political establishment has consistently refused to sufficiently address the Fulani herdsmen’s scorched earth campaigns against indigenous/minority communities of Central Nigeria. And the fact that the 2015 Global Terrorism Index (GTI) rated Nigeria’s Fulani herdsmen as the fourth deadliest terror group in the world has not moved the Buhari administration into appropriately designating them a terrorist organisation.
As we have pointed out many times before, had the Buhari government and the northern power block, of which Daily Trust is an integral part, humanely and in all honesty addressed the monumental atrocities Fulani herdsmen have been inflicting on the indigenous peoples of Central Nigeria and other parts of the country, the mayhem currently unfolding in the core northern states would not have reached such a monumental scale. By allowing armed Fulani herdsmen have a field day in other parts of the country unabated, the core north was tacitly making violence a legitimate means of territorial and religious expansion, acquiring power and influence.
Unfortunately, this virus has now infected the core north itself in a most pernicious way. Sadly, it is innocent people who had hitherto borne the full brunt of the selfishness of the northern elite that are still at the receiving end here.
In the estimation of the newspaper, banditry in northern Nigeria is caused by “an amalgam of many complex issues, among them high levels of poverty and unemployment in the region, deeply entrenched feelings of past dispossession and exclusion, climate change, and above all, a near complete break-down of law and moral order in society.”
Although no mention of Fulani herdsmen’s attacks and the fact that the so-called bandits buffeting the core north are mainly Fulani Muslims (as has been confirmed several times by the Sultan of Sokoto and Governor Masari of Katsina State) one other critical cause of the problem was left out here by Daily Trust, again, by design.
Bishop Mathew Hassan Kukah believes that religious persecution has been left to bloom in northern Nigeria for too long to such an extent that the impunity of the dominant religion has now boomeranged against itself. In a homily at the funeral mass of Seminarian Michael Nnadi, who was killed by kidnappers for his faith, held on February 11, 2020, he warned about the simmering violence that was about to explode and engulf the core north: “We are being told that this situation has nothing to do with religion? Really?
“Are we to believe that simply because Boko Haram kills Muslims too, they wear no religious garb? Are we to deny the evidence before us, of kidnappers separating Muslims from infidels or compelling Christians to convert or die? If your son steals from me, do you solve the problem by saying he also steals from you?” Even though the Bishop was speaking before the current violence peaked in the north, his words nevertheless prefaced what is happening today.
According to the cleric, one of the remote causes of the current upsurge in anarchy in the north is the fact that “the northern Muslim elite has not developed a moral basis for adequate power sharing with their Christian co-regionalists.” Could this be what the editorial tersely listed as “deeply entrenched feelings of past dispossession and exclusion…”?
If so, no one feels this sense of exclusion and alienation more than northern Hausa Muslims who are treated as outcasts, second-class citizens and their basic rights routinely abused and denied. In the wake of the Sokoto travellers massacre, a northern Hausa Christians’ organisation issued a statement (-admin@hacfo.org) in which it described that heinous crime as “quite unfortunate and highly condemnable.” Note that we referred to this group above.
It noted that although Northern Nigeria is a multilingual and multiethnic region, “no one is respected and given the chance to live and have a sense of belonging if the person is not a Muslim…. Even among the Muslims, if you’re not a Fulani man or woman, you are not considered eligible for key positions and opportunities.” Despite the fact that this position further underscored Bishop Kukah’s stance above, the Hausa Christians went ahead to distinguish between, first, Hausa Muslims and non-Muslim Hausa and, second, Fulani and Hausa Muslims.
The organisation revealed that they are always asked why Hausa people were also being killed and kidnapped by Fulani terrorists when they are also Muslims. “Well,” they said they always replied, “in reality the Hausa people have been enslaved by the Fulani right from the deceptive campaign of the Usman Danfodio jihad,” which had created a master-servant relationship between them. And still re-echoing Kukah’s viewpoint, they said: “Religion has been used to enslave the entire Hausa land and Northern Nigeria at large. They have been brainwashed into supporting all the evil done to others, especially Christians, in the name of religion.”
Bishop Kukah’s response is that nation building cannot effectively take place “without adequate representation and deliberate efforts at creating for all members a sense, a feeling, of belonging, and freedom to make contributions. This is the window that killers of Boko Haram have exploited and turned into a door to death. It is why killing Christians and destroying Christianity is seen as one of their key missions.”
The editorial cried out, “What more needs to happen before the President would genuinely demonstrate that he feels the silent anguish of hundreds of communities and thousands of citizens everywhere across the north and the country at large? Only a few years ago President Buhari too bemoaned these very events, even when they occurred at a much lower scale than now, and that his bemoaning was part of the very reason he was elected to the presidency.”
This shows that Buhari merely used the issue of insecurity as a ruse to win his first and second term elections and, second, the current state of insecurity in the core north and country at large has spiraled out of control. It is now more than what obtained during the President Jonathan era, unlike the propaganda being bandied around by Buhari’s spin doctors, especially Lai Mohammed, the Information Minister, to the contrary.
But this is Bishop Kukah’s take on this score: “No one could have imagined that in winning the presidency, General Buhari would bring nepotism and clannishness into the military and the ancillary security agencies, that his government would be marked by supremacist and divisive policies that would push our country to the brink. This president has displayed the greatest degree of insensitivity in managing our country’s rich diversity.
“He has subordinated the larger interests of the country to the hegemonic interests of his co-religionists and clansmen and women. The impression created now is that, to hold a key and strategic position in Nigeria today, it is more important to be a northern Muslim than a Nigerian.”
The editorial quoted the Sultan of Sokoto as bemoaning the current situation in the north thus: “if I continue talking about the insecurity in the North, we will not leave this room… There is no single day that passes without people being killed in the North, especially in the North West now, but we don’t hear of it.”
But here is another dimension from which the same Sultan had earlier conceived the problem, as quoted by Bishop Kukah: “The Sultan recently lamented the tragic consequences of power being in the wrong hands.” Kukah proceeded to paint the general picture of disenchantment with the Buhari administration among Islamic clerics and even the Northern Elders Forum “who in 2015 believed that General Buhari had come to redeem the north [but] have now turned against the president.”
And to the newspaper’s assertion that the onus was now on the president to tame the bugbear of insecurity in the country by “personally take charge of the counter-offensive against terrorists, in the north or elsewhere in the country,” we say, in the words of Kukah, that the north has reached this desperate state because this “is what happens when politicians use religion to extend the frontiers of their ambition and power.”
However, Kukah still referred back to the Sultan: “Again, the Sultan got it right: let the northern political elite who have surrendered the space claim it back immediately.” But have they? Certainly not.
That is why the country is teetering on the brink of total collapse. Jonathan Ishaku, the late Obadiah Mailafia and Bishop Kukah had at various times in the past warned that Nigeria had become a failed state because the Buhari administration had consistently failed to deliver on the key departments of governance, most especially its inability to curb insecurity, and the pursuit of objectives that are openly geared towards Islamization. These failures are more widespread and well entrenched in the core north because of the centuries’ old inequities that feudalism had wrought on the lives of the masses.
In 2017, Bishop Kukah declared that the sense of alienation felt by citizens generally was the result of state failure as manifested in loss of monopoly of legitimate use of violence, loss of capacity to make and enforce collective will of the state, inability to provide social and welfare services to citizens, inability to guarantee safety of citizens, domination and control of environments by criminal gangs and mafias, inability of regulatory agencies of government to levy and collect taxes, rise in population of displaced and homeless persons even in peace time, circles of violence and instability, increase in lack of respect for the state and its law enforcement agencies, etc.
This state of affairs, according to Kukah, breeds “a season of anomie, disorientation, helplessness and despair among citizens. Citizens feel increasingly unsure of the rules and they create their own rules for survival…. They have no collective plan and do not need one. All they know is that the current order must fall…. Their powerlessness breeds resentment and hate for the state, its agencies, individuals, other groups, or institutions.” The demagogue, bandit, terrorist, kidnapper thrives most abundantly in this swirling miasma of hate and confusion. That is the dire condition of today’s Nigeria that Daily Trust dares not reveal to Nigerians, especially the desperate masses of the core north.
Jonathan Ishaku reckoned that “the evident failure of the Nigerian state to guarantee basic security and safety to its citizens qualifies it to be a termed a fragile or, indeed, failed state.” The veteran journalist and writer further asserted: “In my opinion, one area the nation has been playing politics with national security management is the issue of Fulani herdsmen’s terrorism.”
Writing in the PUNCH newspaper (August 30, 2021), Obadiah Mailafia distinguished between ‘fragile states’, ‘crisis states’ and ‘failed states’ and rationalized that “…State collapse is closely associated with the phenomenon of political decay, defined by the eminent political scientist, Samuel Huntington, as a chaotic and disorderly situation where the rate of social modernisation is accelerated ahead of progress in political and institutional development.”
Although these gentlemen raised these red flags between 2017 and 2021, nothing has positively changed. Rather, things are on a downward spiral. But former president, Olusegun Obasanjo, is not surprised by this ominous trend. On December 14, 2021, the Daily Post reported the former president as saying that Nigerians should not expect anything more from President Buhari because what he has so far done as president is the best he can offer. In other words, Mr. Buhari has no capacity to go beyond what he has so far ‘achieved’ in his about seven years in office.
Obasanjo declared: “The truth is this: President Buhari has done his best. That is what he can do. If we are expecting anything more than what he has done or what he is doing, that means we’re whipping a dead horse and there is no need.” He advised Nigerians to begin looking ahead of the Buhari era by searching for a better replacement that would rights the wrongs committed by this administration.
But Sonala Olumhense is not so lenient and would not allow Mr. Buhari complete the remainder of his second tenure. He demands instant measures: “Buhari should resign.” This message, which happens to be the title of his syndicated column, was incidentally published on the back page of the Daily Trust edition under review here. He ends his piece on this dire note: “Buhari received a blank cheque in 2015. He squandered it. I repeat my message from about four years ago: He should be man enough to resign. Let someone else do it.”
Apparently, all the palpable indeces about this era are coming down to this: Mr. Buhari is going down in history of Nigeria as a leader who not only failed to inject the milk of human kindness in his dealings with Nigerians he swore to protect and enhance their overall welfare, he has divided the country in a way never before seen in its annals.
It is this damning legacy of his Presidency that Daily Trust (through that predictable editorial), other institutions and individuals who have egged him on all this while are struggling to run away from. They are beginning to realize that the Buhari Presidency is one of the heaviest burdens of the core north. Now that a terrible judgement is beckoning, they want to steer clear of him and place themselves on the positive side of history – along with the dehumanized peoples of Nigeria, especially those of Mr. Buhari’s core north.
But can this be possible at this late hour?
(GYANG is the Chairman of the N.G.O, Journalists Coalition for Citizens’ Rights Initiative – JCCRI. Emails: info@jccri-online.org; chrisgyang01@gmail.com)

Opinion
Power, privilege and governance

By Abiodun KOMOLAFE

The concepts of power, privilege and governance are complex and multifaceted. Power refers to the ability to influence others, while privilege denotes unearned advantages.

Governance encompasses institutions, structures and processes that regulate these dynamics. Together, these concepts raise fundamental questions about justice, equality and resource distribution.
It emphasizes the importance of considering marginalized groups’ experiences and perspectives. The main problem in Nigeria today is its political economy, which is rooted in rent-seeking and fosters a mindset that prioritizes patronage over production.
The country’s politics are characterized by a patron-client relationship, where everything revolves around government handouts rather than effective governance. This has led to a situation where “politics” in Nigeria is essentially a scramble for resources in a country with severely limited opportunities for self-improvement.
When French agronomist René Dumont wrote ‘False Starts in Africa’ in 1962, he inadvertently described Nigeria’s current state in 2025. Nigeria’s missteps have magnified themselves in the theatre of the absurd, such as the construction of a new vice presidential residence and Governor Chukwuemeka Soludo’s boasts about the lavish official residence for the governor of Anambra State, currently under construction.
It is to be noted in contradistinction that the newly sworn-in Prime Minister of Canada, Mark Carney, is looking for somewhere to live. The official residence of the prime minister, 24 Sussex Drive, the Canadian equivalent of 10 Downing Street, is in disrepair and uninhabitable. No Canadian government can dare ask the parliament to appropriate the $40m needed to refurbish the residence.
Canada’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) exceeds $2 trillion, while Nigeria’s GDP is less than $400 billion. Still, Nigeria claims to be a giant! With an electricity generation capacity of less than 6,000 megawatts, Nigeria’s proclamation seems absurd, especially when compared to cities like Johannesburg, Singapore, Hong Kong and Mumbai. Even Lagos State alone should be generating, transmitting and distributing at least 15,000 megawatts, which would be a basic expectation rather than an achievement.
Nigeria today needs a comprehensive overhaul of its governance crisis to build a new political economy and social services that are fit for purpose. Although the government is on the right path in some ways, a root-and-branch transformation is still necessary.
A notable breakthrough is the decision to recapitalize development finance institutions, such as the Bank of Industry and, crucially, the Bank of Agriculture. This move is significant in a rent-seeking state, as it addresses the need for long-term capital – a prerequisite for achieving meaningful progress.
The development finance institutions require annual recapitalization of at least N500 billion, ideally N1 trillion. Achieving this necessitates a thorough cost evaluation of the government’s machinery, starting with the full implementation of the Oronsaye Committee’s recommendations.
The resulting cost savings can then be redirected to development finance institutions and essential social services like primary healthcare. Furthermore, the government should be bolder, if it can afford to be so, especially since there’s no discernible opposition on offer At the moment, the Nigerian political establishment across the board appears to be enamored by the position put forward by the leader of the Russian revolution, Vladimir Lenin, after the failed putsch. Lenin wrote the classic, ‘What is to be done?’
His observation is that revolutions do not take place at times of grinding poverty. They do so during periods of relatively rising prosperity. Significant sections of the Nigerian establishment believe that relatively rising prosperity could trigger off social discontent.
In their own interest, they had better be right. The caveat is that Lenin wrote ‘What’s to be Done’ in 1905. The world has moved on and changed since the conditions that led to the failure of the attempted takeover of government in Russia in 1905. Therefore, the Nigerian political establishment, for reasons of self-preservation, had better put on its thinking cap. Addressing power and privilege in governance requires collective action, institutional reforms and a commitment to promoting social justice. Nigeria currently lacks a leadership recruitment process, which can only be established if political parties are willing to develop a cadre. Unfortunately, the country is dealing with Special Purpose Vehicles (SPVs) instead. It’s rare to find leadership in Nigeria operating political boot camps to recruit and groom youths for future leadership roles.
This might be why many young people have a misguided understanding of politics, viewing it as merely a means of sharing the nation’s commonwealth. Mhairi Black was elected to the British House of Commons at 20 years old.
However, the key point is that Black had started becoming involved in politics at a young age. By the time she was elected, she had already gained significant experience, effectively becoming a veteran in the field. In Nigeria, politics is often seen as one of the few avenues for self-fulfillment. However, the economy is stagnant, with few jobs created in the public sector and limited investment opportunities.
This is a far cry from the 1950s and 1960s, when political parties were more substantial. Today, it’s worth asking how many Nigerian political parties have functional Research Departments. Besides, what socialization into any philosophy or ideology do our politicians have? Similarly to former Governor Rotimi Amaechi, many of those who currently hold power are motivated to stay in politics due to concerns about economic stability.
Of course, that’s why the Lagos State House of Assembly has had to revert itself. It is the same challenge that has reduced the traditional institution to victims of Nigeria’s ever-changing political temperature. It is the reason an Ogbomoso indigene is not interested in what happened between Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola.
It is also the reason an Ijebuman sees an Ogbomoso man as his enemy without bothering to dig up the bitter politics that ultimately succeeded in putting the two families on the path of permanent acrimony. Of course, that’s why we have crises all over the place! May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419)

Opinion
Rivers of emergency dilemma!

Byabiodun KOMOLAFE

Rivers State is now under emergency rule, and it’s likely to remain so for the next six months, unless a drastic change occurs.

If not managed carefully, this could mark the beginning of a prolonged crisis.
In situations like this, opinions tend to be divergent. For instance, some people hold the notion that the security situation and the need to protect the law and public order justified President Bola Tinubu’s proclamation of a state of emergency in, and the appointment of a sole administrator for Rivers State.
However, others view this act as ‘unconstitutional’, ‘reckless’, ‘an affront on democracy’, and ‘a political tool to intimidate the opposition’. When we criticize governments for unmet expectations, we often rely on our own perspectives and biases.
Our individual identities and prejudices shape our criticism. However, it’s essential to recognize that not all criticism is equal. Protesting within the law is fundamentally different from protests that descend into illegality. Once illegality creeps in, the legitimacy of the protest is lost.
As John Donne wrote in ‘Devotions Upon Emergent Occasions’, “Never send to know for whom the bell tolls.” A protest is legitimate when it aligns with societal norms, values and laws. But when protests are marred by violence or sabotage, they lose credibility. Without credibility, protests become ineffective.
Regarding the validity or otherwise of the emergency rule in Rivers State, it is imperative that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governors approach the Supreme Court immediately. They should seek a definitive clarification on whether the proclamation is ultra vires or constitutional.
For whatever it’s worth, they owe Nigerians that responsibility!May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
Abiodun KOMOLAFE,ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419 – SMS only.

Opinion
Rivers state: Why Tinubu’s administration resort to state of emergency

Abba Dukawa

The political crisis began in December 2023, when Governor Fubara ordered the demolition of the state House of Assembly complex, which remains unrebuilt to this day. This act has effectively paralyzed the legislative arm, disrupting the state’s system of checks and balances.

The Supreme Court highlighted the severity of this situation on February 28, 2025, emphasizing the absence of a functional government in Rivers State and the executive’s role in collapsing the legislative arm, thereby creating a governance void
Additionally, recent reports indicate that militants have been vandalizing pipelines and issuing threats without any intervention from the state government, raising concerns about the state’s security and economic stability.Given Rivers State’s crucial role in the country’s economy, this situation necessitates urgent and cautious intervention from the federal government.Despite interventions from various stakeholders, including Tinubu himself, the crisis has persisted
.It’s worth noting that Tinubu is the third president to invoke Section 305 of the Constitution, after Ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo and Former President Goodluck Jonathan.
President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State has sparked intense debate about its necessity and potential motivations. During his nationwide speech, Tinubu warned that this decision could set off a chain of unpredictable events, potentially leading to radical ideologies and extremist tendencies.
Critics argue that Tinubu’s decision was unnecessary and politically motivated, particularly given his connection to Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, who is accused of being the “arrowhead” of the crisis. Some believe that Tinubu’s administration aims to remove Governor Fubara, perceived as hostile to the 2027 Tinubu/Wike project.Ultimately, the motivations behind Tinubu’s decision remain unclear, and its implications for Rivers State and Nigeria as a whole are yet to be fully seen.
Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has strongly opposed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State and his suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, and members of the Rivers State President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.House of Assembly. President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.
The NBA pointed to Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, which governs the procedure for declaring a state of emergency. While this section grants the President emergency powers, it does not allow for the removal or suspension of elected officials. The NBA stressed that the only constitutional method for removing a governor or deputy governor is through impeachment as outlined in Section 188.
Furthermore, the removal of lawmakers must adhere to electoral laws and constitutional provisions insisted that a state of emergency does not equate to an automatic dissolution of an elected government, and any attempt to do so is an overreach of executive power.
Also Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has strongly condemned President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State, calling it an “assault on democracy” that must be denounced in the strongest possible terms . Wazirin Adamawa argues that Tinubu’s administration is responsible for the chaos in Rivers State, either by enabling it or failing to prevent it. He emphasizes that the President should bear full responsibility for any compromise of federal infrastructure in the state, rather than punishing the people of Rivers State with a state of emergency.
Abubakar also accuses president Tinubu of being a partisan actor in the political turmoil in Rivers, and his refusal to prevent the escalation is seen as “disgraceful to the people of Rivers” The former Vice President believes that the destruction of national infrastructure in Rivers State is a direct result of the President’s failure to act, and punishing the people of Rivers State would be undemocratic.
In his statement, former vice president asserts that the declaration of a state of emergency “reeks of political manipulation and outright bad faith. He urges that the people of Rivers State should not be punished for the political gamesmanship between the governor and Tinubu’s enablers in the federal government. Other analyst believes that the situation in Rivers State, though politically tense, does not meet the constitutional threshold for the removal of elected officials.
For a state of emergency to be declared, Section 305(3) of the Constitution outlines specific conditions, including:
1. War or external aggression against Nigeria. Imminent danger of invasion or war. A breakdown of public order and safety to such an extent that ordinary legal measures are insufficient.
Other reasons for such decisions to be enforced are clear danger to Nigeria’s existence and Occurrence of any disaster or natural calamity affecting a state or a part of it. Where public danger constitutes a threat to the Federation.
Since the state of the emergency in Rivers state has been promulgation, political watchers questions whether the political crisis in Rivers State has reached the level of a complete breakdown of law that has warranting the removal of the Governor and his administration. Political disagreements, legislative conflicts, or executive-legislative tensions do not constitute a justification for emergency rule.
Had been the president remain filmed Such conflicts should have been resolved through legal and constitutional mechanisms, including the judiciary, rather than executive fiat.
A state of emergency is an extraordinary measure that must be invoked strictly within constitutional limits. The removal of elected officials under the pretext of emergency rule is unconstitutional and unacceptable.Tinubu’s administration decision to declare a state of emergency has been met with mixed reactions. Some argue that it was necessary to restore sanity to the state and ensure the country’s stability. Others,, believe that it was an unnecessary decision that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Was declaration for Rivers state is necessary or political motivation? President Bola Amed Tinubu is fully aware that the declaration of State of Emergency in a prevalent democratic system is not the solution to the self-inflicted crisis bedeviling the State.
What Tinubu needed most was to call Wike, his Minister of FCT, to order. The former governor Wike is the arrowhead of the crisis bedeviling the State.
Now what the president Tinubu decision for the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State was an unnecessary decision” that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Other views whether president decisions of keeping his ally, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, is worth jeopardizing Nigeria’s economy.The keen watcher of events regarded the decision as a display of unpardonable mediocrity and diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027.
Tinubu administration wants to use the excuse of the political instability and other security challenges in Rivers to remove Governor FUBURA from the POWER considered hostile to the minister of the Federal Capital Territory or TInubu/Wiki diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027 election.
During his speeches Mr. President, blaming only the state governor and House of Assembly for the crisis in Rivers State is like expecting one iron to make a loud sound – it’s unrealistic and ignores the roles of others, including the former governor and a cabinet member in your administration.
Let us not forget; The situation in Rivers state is indeed complex, with President Tinubu’s intervention aiming to restore order, but also raising important questions about the balance between federal intervention and state autonomy. Invoking a state of emergency to suspend elected officials is a drastic measure that may set a worrying precedent, especially if not handled carefully.
The appointment of a retired military officer as the state’s administrator also raises concerns about the militarization of a democratic government. This move may be perceived as an attempt to exert federal control over the state, rather than allowing democratic processes to unfold, the initial six-month period of emergency rule, with provisions for extension, could lead to prolonged federal control. This is why it’s essential to establish clear timelines and measurable objectives to ensure a timely return to democratic governance.
Some of the key concerns that need to be addressed include: The potential for abuse of power*: The suspension of elected officials and the appointment of a military administrator could be seen as an attempt to consolidate federal power.
– *The impact on democratic institutions*: The emergency rule could undermine the democratic institutions in Rivers state and set a precedent for future interventions.
– *The need for transparency and accountability*: The federal government must ensure that the emergency rule is transparent, accountable, and subject to regular review. Ultimately, finding a balance between restoring order and respecting democratic institutions is crucial. The federal government must tread carefully to avoid exacerbating the situation and ensure a peaceful resolution.
Dukawa public affairs commentator and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com

-
News1 week ago
Plateau gov’t expresses concern over violence in Shendam LGA, calls for calm
-
Politics1 week ago
Opposition leaders announce coalition to challenge Tinubu in 2027
-
Opinion1 week ago
Sule Lamido, PDP, and the politics of defection.
-
Foreign6 days ago
Houthis declare Ben-Gurion Airport ‘no longer safe’ after renewed Gaza fighting
-
Politics1 week ago
Yahaya Bello deceptively arranging recall of Senator Natasha, desperate to replace her – Constituents
-
Politics1 week ago
Atiku, El-rufai, Obi condemn Tinubu’s suspension of Rivers Governor, demand reversal
-
News7 days ago
Why Christ Embassy’s Pastor Chris holds Abuja mega crusade – Fisho
-
Politics1 week ago
Lagos PDP tackles Jandor for defecting to APC