Opinion
Igbophobia: The virus eating up Nigeria’s development
By Dr. Benneth Joshua
The Igbos, the major ethnic group in the Southeast of Nigeria is a tribe known globally for its industriousness and doggedness to break through the prism of obstacles.
The tribe has blazed several trails in academia, science & technology and in business.
Such names like Professor P.N Okeke, Chinua Achebe, Cyprian Ekwensi, Ngozi Chimamanda Adichie, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Dr Oby Ezekwesili, late Dr Chuba Okadigbo, late Professor Ikeajiani Clark, and a list of others, adorn Halls of Fame in Nigeria and far away places across the Atlantic and Pacific oceans.
It is on record that the Igbos are so technologically gifted that during the infamous massacre of not less than 1 million Igbo children, women, youths and the elderly, now termed the Nigeria Civil War; the tribe made its own bomb, and other military hardwares to protect itself against the Russian and British-backed federal troops.
Its bomb, records show, was so effective that it sank numerous battalions of the federal troop, in such a manner that the corpses of most casualties were too decapitated to be recovered.
Many others which were not irredeemably decapitated, sunk into the belly of the Niger and Imo rivers where they became ready food for marine life.
In fact, the exploit of the Igbos reportedly led to the federal government prohibiting the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, (UNN), from operating a department for Chemical engineering, even decades after the civil war.
According to records, the Igbo’s Ogbunikwe was a massive terror to the authorities in Lagos, and a spine chilling wonder to the Western world.
Never was it thought that the black race would invent a weapon of war with such precision and power for colossal damage.
It was no doubt a first grade, world class water and land mine that inflicted such a monstrous setback on battalions and regiments of the federal army, so much so that Lagos came up with an ingenious idea to send herds of cattle as advance parties when federal troops embark on ground assaults.
The result of such creativity was safety for human lives, but losses for the animal kingdom.
One would not be quick to leave out in this piece, the ingenious creation of an airport, or an airstrip if you like, at Ihiala, in present day Anambra State, that ferried supplies into the Southeast.
This was amid land and air embargo imposed by the federal government and its allies.
That the 1967-1970 pogrom against the Igbos lasted for the period it did was a testament to the resilience of a tribe wired for jinx breaking strength even before the creation of the country called Nigeria.
One can only understand the secret behind the never-say-die spirit of the Igbos if the person understands the concept of egalitarianism that propels the tribe to make the best of situations and environments.
Unlike other parts of the country where Monarchy was entrenched, and the people were subservient to rulers, the Igbo society was built along the lines of family trees and clans made up mostly of brothers from the same parent founding their enclaves.
As these enclaves grew in population, the need for a coordinating central figure for dispute resolution, diplomatic engagement with other villages, among others, emerged.
This figure is the Igwe or Eze who superintended over individual villages or communities through the help of a council of elders called Nzes and Ozors.
The Igwe’s powers were not absolute. There were checks and balances that ensured that the Igwe or his cabinet did not abuse their powers, especially in the light of the fact that these powers were somewhat partly surrendered to him/them by the various village, clan and family heads; to exercise on their behalf.
Succinctly put, the Igbos are a competitive people whose believe in a central leadership structure of command and control is way not within their social structure, even though they are a very intuitive people that knows when their collective interests is at stake, and why at that point they must rally-around a well defined central command and control structure.
And even at this, no man, not even the appointed or elected leader in this structure can drive his ideas down the throat of the collective whole. It must be argued democratically to give room for merit, and to allow the brightest idea to lead the charge.
For those who don’t know, the above is the summary of the DNA that points this tribe in the direction of excellence and groundbreaking achievements everywhere they go.
And this same spirit informed their exploits in post colonial Nigeria where they proved their meteors and in return incurred the envy, jealousy, hatred and wrath of some misguided Nigerians who misconstrued the Igbo spirit for one of arrogance, selfishness and dominance.
But it’s not entirely the fault of the antagonists. Misunderstanding arises from lack of proper information, or self-centered biases fuelled by parochialism and un-regurgitated thinking.
In any case, some Igbos, arising from shallow thinking and insensitivity, also contributed to these bouts of hatred.
Granted that the culture in the southeast guarantees competition, egalitarianism and a good dose of clannishness, the proclivity to consider and treat those who don’t share these sentiments in disrespectful manners, potentially opened the door to hatred, bigotry, and all manners of ill-feeling against the Southeasterner.
Accordingly, this is one habit too many, and such that the Igbos as individuals, a group, and the leaders, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, to say the list, must begin to deculturalize as a way to rebrand the tribe in the hearts of other Nigerians.
More so, Igbo men and women who reside elsewhere in the country must become more strategic and less arrogant and abbressive in their interaction with the host communities, not minding the provisions of the 1999 constitution that confers automatic citizenship to all Nigerians wherever they are found
Having said these, the number one national discourse in our time is hatred for the Igbos which have exemplified itself in the manner of ethnic profiling with Lagos State and its politicians leading the charge in this regard.
Rivers State led by the serving Governor, Nyesom Wike, leads the charge in the South-South, as in the lead up to the 2023 presidential election Wike at different times publicly displayed his resentment of the idea that River State, like some South-South ares, is part of Igbo land.
Perhaps, he deliberately threw away the truth that up until the days before and after the civil war when the federal government balkanized the Eastern region by creating more states in the Southern wing of the region, to weaken Ojukwu’s control of the sea necessary for a naval assault by federal troops, the South-South and South-east was one and same place as the northern region and western region.
It only requires a little research to understand the logic of the then Nigerian government in breaking up the geographical strength of the East, while at the same time, retaining that of the North and the West.
Wike’s position is however an argument for another day, even as it is glaring that towns like Ikwere in the state, among others, bear Igbo ancestries.
And like Rivers, there are people in present day Delta State who do not agree or believe that they are originally Igbos, despite glaring evidence of an Igbo ancestry in names, culture (food included), etc.
Considering these, the one-million Dollars question is why Nigeria, if she so desires to be great in the comity of nations, would chose to alienate a tribe that has the capacity to turn her fortunes around for good, whether in technology, science, commerce, sports, politics, administration, and sundry others.
Without a doubt, the inherent enterprising, ingenious and doggedness of the Igbo race inspires fear in the hearts of other country-men and women.
They observe as the Igbo man turns obstacles to opportunities, oppositions to gains, and oblivion to fame.
How he does this respectfully beats many imaginations. And when laced with the shallow arrogance of a few Igbos, this wonderment turns to resentment and other Nigerians adopt the posture of the black South African who turns against others who have the push to make gold out of trash.
It is instructive to point out that until the man from the Southeast is given a place to turn his ingenuity into value for the Nigerian state, a lot would continue to be missen in the equation, and the country would drag on in its struggle without essence, direction and development.
The point to be made here is that the enterprising, enduring and breakeven spirit of the Southeast is the necessary panacea to the country’s developmental woes.
Tribal profiling and hatred, plus parochial religious considerations will do Nigeria no good, except if her leaders are interested in making the country their stone age cave where their empiristic tendencies finds succuor upon their return from touring climes where well-thought plans and placing of square and round pegs in their right holes find their true meaning.
But again, if the Nigerian state thinks otherwise, then for God’s sake restructure the country or develop the Southeast as done elsewhere to allow its people stay back in their places and develop them.
Otherwise, we’re playing with fire, and it wouldn’t be long before the doggedness and never-say-die spirit of the Igbo man rises against the current ethnic profiling it is been subjected to.
When that happens, your guess is as good as mine.
Make no mistake about it. No country remains the same after two Civil Wars.
By Adamu Muhd Usman.
“If you can think of it, you can plan it; if you can plan it, you can dream it; if you can dream it, you can achieve it.”
—Unknown author
Farming and livestock are Jigawa’s main occupations. The Jigawa people and its government are always interested in farming. So talking about farming, farmers, commodities and livestock prices are interesting issues for Jigawa people.
The prices of cash crops, grains, etc., are recording a steady drop in Jigawa State occasioned by the yearning and interest of the people of the state and also some state government commitment for both farming of animals and farm produce.
A check and investigations by yours sincerely showed and proved that the prices of many things had dropped by 20-30 per cent in the last four weeks and thereabouts in Jigawa state.
A 10 kg local rice farm (produced) in Jigawa State was sold at ₦9,000 as against the previous price of almost ₦12,000. Millet, sorghum, beans, wheat, Benny seeds, etc., indicated a similar price decrease.
People are of the opinion that the situation of a high supply of the produce from farms in Jigawa State has committed itself to producing a large quantity of farm produce and livestock to meet the demand in the region or the country at large. Surely, the increase in the supply of the produce from the farms or farmers had forced prices down in the recent past.
Others still attributed this price drop to the fear of Allah instilled in the hearts of hoarders because the clerics kept preaching against hoarding, which is seriously frown upon by God Almighty.
While some political critics viewed it as the bad economic policies of the President Tinubu administration, in which Allah used it to bring relief to the common man.
Quite obviously, Jigawa is amongst the three states in the federation that produce and supply the nation and some neighbouring counties with grains, livestock, fish and frogs. Jigawa state is also first in Hibiscus, sesame, gum Arabic, datefarm and also Jigawa is not left behind in the farming of cotton and Siemens. —-Jigawa is blessed.
But at the overround investigations, findings and outcomes, it was largely concluded that all these results and achievements were attributed to the people’s interest and passion for farming, but it is mostly because of the government’s commitments to assist, promote and enhance agricultural production in the state to make it a priority in Jigawa as a means of livelihood, occupation and income for the Jigawa populace and to be a source of internally generated revenue (IGR) for the state and also make the state feed the nation formula. Thank God, the airport (cargo) built by the former governor, Dr Sule Lamido, will now be very functional and useful.
The big question now is, can the state government sustain its support for the agricultural sector and continue to pay more attention and also sustain the package and gesture?
We hope that farmers in the state will continue to enjoy maximum support in crop production, including the use of mechanised farming. This will encourage livestock farming, which will go a long way to reduce or stop farmers’/herders’ clashes.
Also, the issue of soil erosion should be given due attention, and more roads should be constructed across the state in order to facilitate bringing out farm produce from villages and rural areas to urban areas.
As the saying goes, Success is getting what you want, and happiness is wanting what you get.
Adamu writes from Kafin-Hausa, Jigawa State.
By Abiodun KOMOLAFE
The concepts of power, privilege and governance are complex and multifaceted. Power refers to the ability to influence others, while privilege denotes unearned advantages.
Governance encompasses institutions, structures and processes that regulate these dynamics. Together, these concepts raise fundamental questions about justice, equality and resource distribution.
It emphasizes the importance of considering marginalized groups’ experiences and perspectives. The main problem in Nigeria today is its political economy, which is rooted in rent-seeking and fosters a mindset that prioritizes patronage over production.
The country’s politics are characterized by a patron-client relationship, where everything revolves around government handouts rather than effective governance. This has led to a situation where “politics” in Nigeria is essentially a scramble for resources in a country with severely limited opportunities for self-improvement.
When French agronomist René Dumont wrote ‘False Starts in Africa’ in 1962, he inadvertently described Nigeria’s current state in 2025. Nigeria’s missteps have magnified themselves in the theatre of the absurd, such as the construction of a new vice presidential residence and Governor Chukwuemeka Soludo’s boasts about the lavish official residence for the governor of Anambra State, currently under construction.
It is to be noted in contradistinction that the newly sworn-in Prime Minister of Canada, Mark Carney, is looking for somewhere to live. The official residence of the prime minister, 24 Sussex Drive, the Canadian equivalent of 10 Downing Street, is in disrepair and uninhabitable. No Canadian government can dare ask the parliament to appropriate the $40m needed to refurbish the residence.
Canada’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) exceeds $2 trillion, while Nigeria’s GDP is less than $400 billion. Still, Nigeria claims to be a giant! With an electricity generation capacity of less than 6,000 megawatts, Nigeria’s proclamation seems absurd, especially when compared to cities like Johannesburg, Singapore, Hong Kong and Mumbai. Even Lagos State alone should be generating, transmitting and distributing at least 15,000 megawatts, which would be a basic expectation rather than an achievement.
Nigeria today needs a comprehensive overhaul of its governance crisis to build a new political economy and social services that are fit for purpose. Although the government is on the right path in some ways, a root-and-branch transformation is still necessary.
A notable breakthrough is the decision to recapitalize development finance institutions, such as the Bank of Industry and, crucially, the Bank of Agriculture. This move is significant in a rent-seeking state, as it addresses the need for long-term capital – a prerequisite for achieving meaningful progress.
The development finance institutions require annual recapitalization of at least N500 billion, ideally N1 trillion. Achieving this necessitates a thorough cost evaluation of the government’s machinery, starting with the full implementation of the Oronsaye Committee’s recommendations.
The resulting cost savings can then be redirected to development finance institutions and essential social services like primary healthcare. Furthermore, the government should be bolder, if it can afford to be so, especially since there’s no discernible opposition on offer At the moment, the Nigerian political establishment across the board appears to be enamored by the position put forward by the leader of the Russian revolution, Vladimir Lenin, after the failed putsch. Lenin wrote the classic, ‘What is to be done?’
His observation is that revolutions do not take place at times of grinding poverty. They do so during periods of relatively rising prosperity. Significant sections of the Nigerian establishment believe that relatively rising prosperity could trigger off social discontent.
In their own interest, they had better be right. The caveat is that Lenin wrote ‘What’s to be Done’ in 1905. The world has moved on and changed since the conditions that led to the failure of the attempted takeover of government in Russia in 1905. Therefore, the Nigerian political establishment, for reasons of self-preservation, had better put on its thinking cap. Addressing power and privilege in governance requires collective action, institutional reforms and a commitment to promoting social justice. Nigeria currently lacks a leadership recruitment process, which can only be established if political parties are willing to develop a cadre. Unfortunately, the country is dealing with Special Purpose Vehicles (SPVs) instead. It’s rare to find leadership in Nigeria operating political boot camps to recruit and groom youths for future leadership roles.
This might be why many young people have a misguided understanding of politics, viewing it as merely a means of sharing the nation’s commonwealth. Mhairi Black was elected to the British House of Commons at 20 years old.
However, the key point is that Black had started becoming involved in politics at a young age. By the time she was elected, she had already gained significant experience, effectively becoming a veteran in the field. In Nigeria, politics is often seen as one of the few avenues for self-fulfillment. However, the economy is stagnant, with few jobs created in the public sector and limited investment opportunities.
This is a far cry from the 1950s and 1960s, when political parties were more substantial. Today, it’s worth asking how many Nigerian political parties have functional Research Departments. Besides, what socialization into any philosophy or ideology do our politicians have? Similarly to former Governor Rotimi Amaechi, many of those who currently hold power are motivated to stay in politics due to concerns about economic stability.
Of course, that’s why the Lagos State House of Assembly has had to revert itself. It is the same challenge that has reduced the traditional institution to victims of Nigeria’s ever-changing political temperature. It is the reason an Ogbomoso indigene is not interested in what happened between Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola.
It is also the reason an Ijebuman sees an Ogbomoso man as his enemy without bothering to dig up the bitter politics that ultimately succeeded in putting the two families on the path of permanent acrimony. Of course, that’s why we have crises all over the place! May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419)
Byabiodun KOMOLAFE
Rivers State is now under emergency rule, and it’s likely to remain so for the next six months, unless a drastic change occurs.
If not managed carefully, this could mark the beginning of a prolonged crisis.
In situations like this, opinions tend to be divergent. For instance, some people hold the notion that the security situation and the need to protect the law and public order justified President Bola Tinubu’s proclamation of a state of emergency in, and the appointment of a sole administrator for Rivers State.
However, others view this act as ‘unconstitutional’, ‘reckless’, ‘an affront on democracy’, and ‘a political tool to intimidate the opposition’. When we criticize governments for unmet expectations, we often rely on our own perspectives and biases.
Our individual identities and prejudices shape our criticism. However, it’s essential to recognize that not all criticism is equal. Protesting within the law is fundamentally different from protests that descend into illegality. Once illegality creeps in, the legitimacy of the protest is lost.
As John Donne wrote in ‘Devotions Upon Emergent Occasions’, “Never send to know for whom the bell tolls.” A protest is legitimate when it aligns with societal norms, values and laws. But when protests are marred by violence or sabotage, they lose credibility. Without credibility, protests become ineffective.
Regarding the validity or otherwise of the emergency rule in Rivers State, it is imperative that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governors approach the Supreme Court immediately. They should seek a definitive clarification on whether the proclamation is ultra vires or constitutional.
For whatever it’s worth, they owe Nigerians that responsibility!May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
Abiodun KOMOLAFE,ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419 – SMS only.
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